Some comments on Polish referenda

Opracowanie zawiera autorskie opinie na temat regulacji prawnych dotyczących referendów ogólnokrajowych, o których mowa w art. 125 Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. Regulacje te, gdy idzie o ich podstawowy zrąb, mieszczą się w granicach standardów stosowanych w tym względzie w państwach demokratycznych. Jednakże ich realizacja może natrafiać na przeszkody wynikające z tego, że nie istnieją skuteczne gwarancje instytucjonalne i proceduralne wykonania decyzji podjętych w drodze referendum. Autor opowiada się za wprowadzeniem referendum, w wyniku którego obywatele będą mogli bezpośrednio podejmować akty ustawodawcze poddawane kontroli ich konstytucyjności. Ponadto podaje w wątpliwość wprowadzenie referendum obligatoryjnego rozpisywanego z inicjatywy obywateli (po zebraniu pod wnioskiem w tej sprawie odpowiedniej ilości podpisów), a także wprowadzenie do polskiego systemu ustrojowego instytucji ‘recall’ w zastosowaniu do głowy państwa. Sugeruje, aby przesłanki referendum ogólnokrajowego, o jakich mowa w art. 125 Konstytucji RP, uściślić, choć bez wiążących następstw prawnych.This paper contains the author’s own opinions on the legal regulations governing a nationwide referendum referred to in Article 125 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. The basic framework of these regulations fits within the limits of standards applicable in democratic countries. Their exercise, however, may be obstructed due to the absence of effective institutional and procedural guarantees ensuring enforcement of a decision arrived at in a referendum. Obligatory organisation of a referendum initiated by citizens (conditioned on collection of a required number of supporters) is challenged, as well as the introduction to the Polish political regime of a recall option in respect of the head of state. A suggestion is also made that the premises for organising nationwide referenda provided for in the above mentioned article of the Constitution be precised, although without binding legal consequences

CONTINUATION OF THE DISCUSSION ON THE CONSTITUTION

W artykule omówiono i skomentowano propozycje zmiany Konstytucji RP z 1997 r., które zawarte są w projektach przedstawionych Sejmowi przez posłów: Prawa i Sprawiedliwości (w tym także projekt nowelizacji ustawy o Trybunale Konstytucyjnym), Platformy Obywatelskiej, oraz w projekcie wniesionym z inicjatywy Prezydenta RP. Nad tymi projektami dyskutuje od końca 2010 r. sejmowa Komisja Nadzwyczajna. Główne propozycje zmian konstytucyjnych koncentrują się wokół następujących kwestii: (a) zmniejszenia składu personalnego Sejmu i Senatu oraz ograniczeniu zakresu formalnego immunitetu parlamentarnego, (b) zmian w położeniu ustrojowym Prezydenta RP względem Sejmu i Rady Ministrów, (c) dekonstytucjonalizacji niektórych instytucji ustrojowych (Krajowa Rada Radiofonii i Telewizji, Rada Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego), (d) konstytucjonalizacji prokuratury i Krajowej Rad Prokuratorów, (e) zmiany położenia ustrojowego Narodowego Banku Polskiego i zniesienia Rady Polityki Pieniężnej w związku z planem przystąpienia Polski do strefy euro, (f) wprowadzenia pełniejszych regulacji dotyczących udziału Polski w Unii Europejskiej. Proponowane zmiany są niekiedy konieczne, ale są też takie, których należałoby − zdaniem autora artykułu − poniechać. Nie prowadzą one jednak do odejścia od ukształtowanego przez Konstytucję z 1997 r. porządku ustrojowego, ale jedynie do jego częściowej reformy.The paper comments on the draft amendments to the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997 (including a proposal of an amendment to the Law on the Constitutional Tribunal) contained in the proposals put forward by deputies of the Law and Justice and the Civic Platform parties, and those initiated by the President of Poland. Those draft laws have been discussed by the Sejm Extraordinary Committee since the end of 2010. The main proposals of constitutional amendments are focused on the following issues: (a) reduction in the staff of the Sejm and Senate and limitation of the formal scope of parliamentary immunity; (b) change in the position of President vis-a-vis the Sejm and the Council of Ministers in the adopted political regime; (c) de-constitutionalisation of certain national institutions (the National Radio and Television Committee, the National Safety Council); (d) constitutionalisation of the Public Prosecutor’s office and the National Council of Prosecutors; (e) change in the position of the National Bank of Poland in the adopted political regime, and liquidation of the Monetary Policy Council in connection of Poland’s anticipated access to the euro area; (f) implementation of more comprehensive regulations governing Poland’s membership in the European Union. Some of the proposed amendments are necessary indeed, but there are some which, in the author’s opinion, should be abandoned, as they are not going to result in a departure from the political regime shaped and adopted in the Constitution in 1997, but merely in its partial modification

Discussions at the national assembly concerning the fundamental principles of the Polish system of the Republic of Poland

The paper gives an account of the discussion concerning the first ten regulations-articles which have been included in the chapter "Principles of the political orientation" of the draft of the Polish new constitution currently worked on by the Constitutional Commission of the General Assembly. Drafts of the new constitution submitted by the members of the Seym, the Senate, the President, experts and specialists, members of the Constitutional Commission and the voices in the discussions held at the National Assembly and the Seym meetings have also been included. A particular attention has been given to the work of the sub-committee appointed to deal with the fundamentals of the political system and the social and economic system, which has drafted the first chapter. Among the principles concerning the political, social and economic system, the following have been discussed in particular: — principle of a republican form of the government, principle of the common good, principle of supreme authority of the nation, principle of legality and constitution, principle of respecting the international law. Additionally, the discussion concerning the tasks and objectives of the state as expressed in article 6 of the draft has been presented. Attention of the readers has been drawn to the discrepancies of opinions which arise as a result of different axiological perspectives and different political and ideological attitudes and beliefs of the participants in the discussion.Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/201

SHOULD THE POLISH CONSTITUTION OF 2 APRIL, 1997 BE AMENDED?

The article is devoted to the consideration whether it is time the Constitution o f the Republic o f Poland o f 2.04.1997, which has been in effect for seven years, was abrogated and replaced with a new one or amended significantly. The intention o f abrogating this Constitution appeared as early as 1997, soon after it had been enacted. Such a demand was made by groupings which were not widely represented in the Sejm and the Senate in 1993-1997. However, after they won the parliamentary elections in 1997, they abandoned their postulate. It was probably caused by two reasons: lack o f sufficient support for such a change in both houses of the parliament and the fact that the provisions o f the new Constitution strengthened the position of the Council of Ministers. The political grounds of this Council were in the groupings which had previously promoted changes in the Constitution. Since 2001 the demand for a fundamental change in the Constitution has been made on the basis o f the discussion on the establishment o f the so-called 4"' Republic o f Poland, due to replace the 3rd Republic, established as a result o f the political changes initiated in 1989. In addition to the proposal o f comprehensive changes, there are also suggestions of partial amendments to the Constitution. They concern such issues as abolishing the Senate, reducing the number o f the members o f parliament by half, introducing the majority system and onemandate constituencies in the Sejm elections. There is also a demand for the modification of regulations concerning social and economic citizen rights whose observance is extremely difficult at present. The Polish accession to the European Union was preceded by suitable constitutional preparations. However, some constitutional issues have been under discussion, such as the primacy of the European law over the Polish law, the right o f the Union citizens to participate in the municipal elections in Poland, the tasks of the National Bank o f Poland (NBP) and its position in the political system, the establishment o f the European arrest warrant. On the whole, it can be stated that the process of Poland’s accession to the structures o f the European Union does not require considerable constitutional changes. The author argues that the content of the Constitution of the Republic o f Poland of 1997 never caused any significant disturbance in the functioning o f the state. Such disturbances were generated by political and economic factors rather than the constitutional ones. The author claims in the conclusion that even though the Constitution of the Republic of Poland o f 1997 requires some changes, these changes are not urgent and ought to be carefully prepared

CONTINUATION OF THE DISCUSSION ON THE CONSTITUTION

W artykule omówiono i skomentowano propozycje zmiany Konstytucji RP z 1997 r., które zawarte są w projektach przedstawionych Sejmowi przez posłów: Prawa i Sprawiedliwości (w tym także projekt nowelizacji ustawy o Trybunale Konstytucyjnym), Platformy Obywatelskiej, oraz w projekcie wniesionym z inicjatywy Prezydenta RP. Nad tymi projektami dyskutuje od końca 2010 r. sejmowa Komisja Nadzwyczajna. Główne propozycje zmian konstytucyjnych koncentrują się wokół następujących kwestii: (a) zmniejszenia składu personalnego Sejmu i Senatu oraz ograniczeniu zakresu formalnego immunitetu parlamentarnego, (b) zmian w położeniu ustrojowym Prezydenta RP względem Sejmu i Rady Ministrów, (c) dekonstytucjonalizacji niektórych instytucji ustrojowych (Krajowa Rada Radiofonii i Telewizji, Rada Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego), (d) konstytucjonalizacji prokuratury i Krajowej Rad Prokuratorów, (e) zmiany położenia ustrojowego Narodowego Banku Polskiego i zniesienia Rady Polityki Pieniężnej w związku z planem przystąpienia Polski do strefy euro, (f) wprowadzenia pełniejszych regulacji dotyczących udziału Polski w Unii Europejskiej. Proponowane zmiany są niekiedy konieczne, ale są też takie, których należałoby − zdaniem autora artykułu − poniechać. Nie prowadzą one jednak do odejścia od ukształtowanego przez Konstytucję z 1997 r. porządku ustrojowego, ale jedynie do jego częściowej reformy.The paper comments on the draft amendments to the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997 (including a proposal of an amendment to the Law on the Constitutional Tribunal) contained in the proposals put forward by deputies of the Law and Justice and the Civic Platform parties, and those initiated by the President of Poland. Those draft laws have been discussed by the Sejm Extraordinary Committee since the end of 2010. The main proposals of constitutional amendments are focused on the following issues: (a) reduction in the staff of the Sejm and Senate and limitation of the formal scope of parliamentary immunity; (b) change in the position of President vis-a-vis the Sejm and the Council of Ministers in the adopted political regime; (c) de-constitutionalisation of certain national institutions (the National Radio and Television Committee, the National Safety Council); (d) constitutionalisation of the Public Prosecutor’s office and the National Council of Prosecutors; (e) change in the position of the National Bank of Poland in the adopted political regime, and liquidation of the Monetary Policy Council in connection of Poland’s anticipated access to the euro area; (f) implementation of more comprehensive regulations governing Poland’s membership in the European Union. Some of the proposed amendments are necessary indeed, but there are some which, in the author’s opinion, should be abandoned, as they are not going to result in a departure from the political regime shaped and adopted in the Constitution in 1997, but merely in its partial modification

Some remarks on the axiological aspects of legislative work on the constitutional law in Poland

The paper concerns axiological problems arising in connection with the fundamental changes of the Polish constitutional law after the fall of the communist system. The author considers possibilities of legitimising the laws made in communist Poland and their binding force in Poland today. Further, axiological assumptions of the legal system being currently constructed and dilemmas connected with this task have also been discussed. In consideration of axiological pluralism of the contemporary Polish society, every attempt to provide normative solution in the field of constitutional law must be described either as compromising between various axiological approaches or enforcing one axiological option.Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/201

A SUBJECTIVE VIEW ON THE POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION 1989-2009

The paper presents some personal reflections on the political transformations taking place in Poland between 1989 and 2009. It also contains some reminiscences of the author’s participation in the drafting of new constitutional provisions which secured those transformations a legal framework. The author recalls discussions within the “Round Table” political reforms team in which he participated on behalf of the Democratic Party (Stronnictwo Demokratyczne) and where he advocated restoration of the office of the President. Against that background, the constitutional regulations shaping that institution and its evolution in the last 20 years have been presented. The author expresses an opinion that the dispute involving the President’s and Prime Minister’s executive competences observed in Poland today is mainly of a personal nature, rather than stemming from constitutional regulations which, as such, require no essential modifications. Likewise, there is no need for any major amendments to the existing Constitution o f 1997 in the formation of which the author also participated as a member of the National Assembly Expert Team. Postulates put forward from time to time by different political fractions and calling for substantial redrafting of the constitutional provisions (or passing a new Constitution) are rather exaggerated and insufficiently grounded. This, however, does not mean that certain amendments, or partial novel provisions should not be at all considered. Issues such as the principle that a criminal conviction precludes a person from running for an MP’s seat, amendments to the constitutional provisions regulating the tasks of the National Bank of Poland which will enable Poland to enter the “Euro zone” or the possibility of transferring decisions regarding infringement of the constitutional provisions to the jurisdiction the Supreme Court or the Constitutional Court, should be given due consideration when new political decisions are being deliberated. Difficulties that might be encountered in practice when it comes to the realisation of important and binding decisions voted for in nationwide referenda and drafting relevant bills for parliamentary voting are also discussed. The question of the continuity of the Polish state and the validity of its laws in the period between 1944 and 1989/90 is also analysed. It is argued that although at some point Poland lost some of its sovereignty (i.e. during the Polish People’s Republic), that continuity was nevertheless preserved, at least with regard the applicability of relevant laws when legal relations between Polish legal subjects were being established. Otherwise, a proposition that between 1944 and 1989/90 that continuity was disrupted would cause a huge legal chaos resulting in a situation in which justified public interest of many citizens would suffer. In the concluding part, the author comments on the political tendencies observed in Poland in the years 2005-2007. Although the opinions that they were leading to an authoritarian government were somewhat exaggerated, they were nevertheless capable of stirring concern, especially if e.g. they sought to adopt into the political system solutions which promoted political practices characteristic of a centralised system of administration. All in all, the political outcome of the period 1989-2009 is viewed as a valuable accomplishment and the author expresses an opinion that its significance will fully manifest itself in a longer historical perspective

PROPOSALS OF NEW CONSTITUTIONAL SOLUTIONS

The paper is in the form of an essay devoted to an analysis o f two recent drafts containing an amended version of the constitution of the Republic of Poland, one authored by PiS (Law and Justice) party and the other by Samoobrona (Self-defence), as well as an analysis of certain amendments proposed by PO (Civil Platform). The analysis has focused on the general vision of the Polish State which emerges from the two drafts, and on the structure and the principles upon which Poland's main constitutional organs would function. PiS stance is that the Republic of Poland should take the form of a national state cultivating traditions and patriotic attitudes, and protecting and propagating Christian values. This, however, does not mean that Poland should transform itself into the “Catholic State of the Polish nation” . Both proposals, that of PiS and that of Samoobrona, contain solutions which advocate a fundamental change in the power vested in the President, proposing a substantial increase in the presidential competences. While PiS draft proposes maintaining the existing parliament-cabinet system, Samoobrona advocates a semi-presidential system. The paper discusses proposals regarding electoral law, the structure and functioning of parliament, and the legal status of the members of parliament. Much time is devoted to the relations between parliament (consisting of only one-chamber as proposed by Samoobrona) and the President and the Council of Ministers. The proposals advocating liquidation of certain constitutional organs, such as the National Council of Radio and Television Broadcasting and the Institution of the Ombudsman, and creation of new ones (eg. The Office of Assistance to the Victims of Injustice) have also been presented. The paper ends with a discussion of the possibilities of Constitutional amendments in the current political situation (2005/2006)

Some remarks on the axiological aspects of legislative work on the constitutional law in Poland

The paper concerns axiological problems arising in connection with the fundamental changes of the Polish constitutional law after the fall of the communist system. The author considers possibilities of legitimising the laws made in communist Poland and their binding force in Poland today. Further, axiological assumptions of the legal system being currently constructed and dilemmas connected with this task have also been discussed. In consideration of axiological pluralism of the contemporary Polish society, every attempt to provide normative solution in the field of constitutional law must be described either as compromising between various axiological approaches or enforcing one axiological option.Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/201

A SUBJECTIVE VIEW ON THE POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION 1989-2009

The paper presents some personal reflections on the political transformations taking place in Poland between 1989 and 2009. It also contains some reminiscences of the author’s participation in the drafting of new constitutional provisions which secured those transformations a legal framework. The author recalls discussions within the “Round Table” political reforms team in which he participated on behalf of the Democratic Party (Stronnictwo Demokratyczne) and where he advocated restoration of the office of the President. Against that background, the constitutional regulations shaping that institution and its evolution in the last 20 years have been presented. The author expresses an opinion that the dispute involving the President’s and Prime Minister’s executive competences observed in Poland today is mainly of a personal nature, rather than stemming from constitutional regulations which, as such, require no essential modifications. Likewise, there is no need for any major amendments to the existing Constitution o f 1997 in the formation of which the author also participated as a member of the National Assembly Expert Team. Postulates put forward from time to time by different political fractions and calling for substantial redrafting of the constitutional provisions (or passing a new Constitution) are rather exaggerated and insufficiently grounded. This, however, does not mean that certain amendments, or partial novel provisions should not be at all considered. Issues such as the principle that a criminal conviction precludes a person from running for an MP’s seat, amendments to the constitutional provisions regulating the tasks of the National Bank of Poland which will enable Poland to enter the “Euro zone” or the possibility of transferring decisions regarding infringement of the constitutional provisions to the jurisdiction the Supreme Court or the Constitutional Court, should be given due consideration when new political decisions are being deliberated. Difficulties that might be encountered in practice when it comes to the realisation of important and binding decisions voted for in nationwide referenda and drafting relevant bills for parliamentary voting are also discussed. The question of the continuity of the Polish state and the validity of its laws in the period between 1944 and 1989/90 is also analysed. It is argued that although at some point Poland lost some of its sovereignty (i.e. during the Polish People’s Republic), that continuity was nevertheless preserved, at least with regard the applicability of relevant laws when legal relations between Polish legal subjects were being established. Otherwise, a proposition that between 1944 and 1989/90 that continuity was disrupted would cause a huge legal chaos resulting in a situation in which justified public interest of many citizens would suffer. In the concluding part, the author comments on the political tendencies observed in Poland in the years 2005-2007. Although the opinions that they were leading to an authoritarian government were somewhat exaggerated, they were nevertheless capable of stirring concern, especially if e.g. they sought to adopt into the political system solutions which promoted political practices characteristic of a centralised system of administration. All in all, the political outcome of the period 1989-2009 is viewed as a valuable accomplishment and the author expresses an opinion that its significance will fully manifest itself in a longer historical perspective