On the Constitutionability of Global Public Policy Networks

Global Public Policy Networks (GPPNs) are increasingly influential in the global policy-making process. According to the Global Public Policy Institute, GPPNs are cross-sectoral coalitions of actors from governments, international organizations, civil society, and private industry. In structure, these networks differ from traditional hierarchical organizations, but their primary functions-negotiation, coordination, rulemaking, and implementation-pick up the classic tasks of formal international organizations and intergovernmental cooperation. The power and acceptance of these networks are based on the real or alleged expertise of their members, their former or current formal positions in national or international organizations or private industry, and their personal connections. Although these features nourish the assumption that GPPNs are efficient problemsolvers, there is no empirical proof of this belief Potential sources of their legitimacy await grounding in a solid normative theory. Efficiency cannot be considered a ready substitute for the formal democratic legitimacy that these networks are lacking in either empirical or theoretical regard. The phenomenon of GPPNs, therefore, touches some core problems of the global constitutionalism project-the idea of subjecting transnational, non-state actors to the rule of a global constitutional agreement. \ As powerful actors in the transnational sphere, GPPNs must address three challenges relating to the future of constitutionalism. First, is it possible to put non-state political actors under a constitutional regime? Second, if it is possible, how does one do so? Third, in what ways can the project of constitutionalism be expanded beyond the frame of the nation-state, if at all? The answers to these questions must address the central problem of global constitutionalism: how the traditional bond between the nation-state and its constitution can be dissolved without abandoning the accomplishments that the project of the modern state constitution stands for-founding, legitimizing, and confining democratic governance. Global Constitutionalism – Process and Substance, Symposium. Kandersteg, Switzerland, January 17-20, 200

On the Constitutionability of Global Public Policy Networks

Global Public Policy Networks (GPPNs) are increasingly influential in the global policy-making process. According to the Global Public Policy Institute, GPPNs are cross-sectoral coalitions of actors from governments, international organizations, civil society, and private industry. In structure, these networks differ from traditional hierarchical organizations, but their primary functions-negotiation, coordination, rulemaking, and implementation-pick up the classic tasks of formal international organizations and intergovernmental cooperation. The power and acceptance of these networks are based on the real or alleged expertise of their members, their former or current formal positions in national or international organizations or private industry, and their personal connections. Although these features nourish the assumption that GPPNs are efficient problemsolvers, there is no empirical proof of this belief Potential sources of their legitimacy await grounding in a solid normative theory. Efficiency cannot be considered a ready substitute for the formal democratic legitimacy that these networks are lacking in either empirical or theoretical regard. The phenomenon of GPPNs, therefore, touches some core problems of the global constitutionalism project-the idea of subjecting transnational, non-state actors to the rule of a global constitutional agreement. \ As powerful actors in the transnational sphere, GPPNs must address three challenges relating to the future of constitutionalism. First, is it possible to put non-state political actors under a constitutional regime? Second, if it is possible, how does one do so? Third, in what ways can the project of constitutionalism be expanded beyond the frame of the nation-state, if at all? The answers to these questions must address the central problem of global constitutionalism: how the traditional bond between the nation-state and its constitution can be dissolved without abandoning the accomplishments that the project of the modern state constitution stands for-founding, legitimizing, and confining democratic governance. Global Constitutionalism – Process and Substance, Symposium. Kandersteg, Switzerland, January 17-20, 200

Natural Resources and the Tipping Points of Political Power—A Research Agenda

A general assumption concerning the relationship between natural recourses and politics is that the degradation of natural resources will destabilize political regimes causing civil wars, mass migration, or the erosion of democratic systems. Despite individual attempts to explore the relationship between different political regimes and various resources in more detail, a systematic explanation of the complex relationship between natural resources and political regimes is still lacking. In this paper, we suggest a research agenda in order to better understand their interconnectedness. We start by exploring the respective potentials of Earth system science (ESS) and the logic of Earth spheres. We argue that the notion of distinct Earth spheres has its merits but also significant disadvantages. We then propose to concentrate on a resource perspective as the more expedient starting point for investigating the nature of the interconnection between the ecosphere and humans. We refine our argument by suggesting to also reflect on the socioeconomic properties of natural resources in order to estimate their implications for political regime stability. Finally, this paper proposes three different political regime types and how each organizes its relationship vis-a-vis natural resources, especially regarding sustainable resource use

Natural Resources and the Tipping Points of Political Power—A Research Agenda

A general assumption concerning the relationship between natural recourses and politics is that the degradation of natural resources will destabilize political regimes causing civil wars, mass migration, or the erosion of democratic systems. Despite individual attempts to explore the relationship between different political regimes and various resources in more detail, a systematic explanation of the complex relationship between natural resources and political regimes is still lacking. In this paper, we suggest a research agenda in order to better understand their interconnectedness. We start by exploring the respective potentials of Earth system science (ESS) and the logic of Earth spheres. We argue that the notion of distinct Earth spheres has its merits but also significant disadvantages. We then propose to concentrate on a resource perspective as the more expedient starting point for investigating the nature of the interconnection between the ecosphere and humans. We refine our argument by suggesting to also reflect on the socioeconomic properties of natural resources in order to estimate their implications for political regime stability. Finally, this paper proposes three different political regime types and how each organizes its relationship vis-a-vis natural resources, especially regarding sustainable resource use

Stimulated Emission Pumping Enabling Sub-Diffraction-Limited Spatial Resolution in CARS Microscopy

Suppression of CARS signal generation is demonstrated by equalization of the ground and Raman states via a control state in a theoretical investigation. Using donut-shaped control light fields for population transfer results in sub-diffraction-limited spatial resolution CARS microscopy

Co-infection with coxsackievirus A5 and norovirus GII.4 could have been the trigger the first episode of a severe encephalopathy in a six-year-old child with the intermittent form of maple syrup urine disease (MSUD)

In this case study, a coxsackievirus A5 (Picornaviridae) and a norovirus GII.4 (Caliciviridae) co-infection were detected using RT-PCR from a faecal sample of a 6-year-old girl with symptoms of severe acute encephalopathy subsequently diagnosed as intermittent form of maple syrup urine disease (MSUD). The two co-infecting viruses were hiding and triggering the underlying metabolic disorder. The genotyping of the viruses as well as the chronological course, wide spectra of laboratory tests and clinical presentations of this case which includes recurrent vomiting without diarrhoea, metabolic acidosis, unconsciousness, seizure and circulatory collapse, but with positive final outcome is also presented