La démobilisation étudiante au Mexique : le double visage de la répression (juillet-décembre 1968)

Cet article est consacré à l’analyse de la mobilisation et démobilisation dans le cas du mouvement étudiant de 1968 dans la ville de Mexico. En partant d’un rappel du contexte où s’enracine la lutte et en suivant les échanges de coups entre protagonistes durant les sept mois du conflit, il s’intéresse au rôle de la répression dans le processus de mobilisation et démobilisation. En étudiant, d’une part, la dynamique interne du mouvement en lien avec la configuration sociopolitique qui la rend possible ou la limite et, d’autre part, des témoignages d’activistes afin de cerner la perception des coûts et des risques de la mobilisation, cet article souligne que le poids de la répression dans le cycle de protestation prend sens quand la répression est liée aux risques de la participation et à sa dimension émotionnelle dans une configuration spécifique.This article analyses the process of mobilization and demobilization in the case of the 1968 student movement in Mexico City. It begins with a reminder of the context in which the struggle is rooted, and goes on analyzing the fight between protagonists during seven months of conflict; it focuses on the role of repression in the process of mobilization and demobilization. By studying, on the one hand, the internal dynamics of the movement in relation to the socio-political configuration making possible or limiting this same dynamics, and, on the other, testimonies of activists to identify the perception of the mobilization’s costs and risks, this article highlights that the weight of repression in the protest cycle makes sense if linked to the costs and risks of participation and to the emotional dimension of repression in a specific configuration

La démobilisation étudiante au Mexique : le double visage de la répression (juillet-décembre 1968)

Cet article est consacré à l’analyse de la mobilisation et démobilisation dans le cas du mouvement étudiant de 1968 dans la ville de Mexico. En partant d’un rappel du contexte où s’enracine la lutte et en suivant les échanges de coups entre protagonistes durant les sept mois du conflit, il s’intéresse au rôle de la répression dans le processus de mobilisation et démobilisation. En étudiant, d’une part, la dynamique interne du mouvement en lien avec la configuration sociopolitique qui la rend possible ou la limite et, d’autre part, des témoignages d’activistes afin de cerner la perception des coûts et des risques de la mobilisation, cet article souligne que le poids de la répression dans le cycle de protestation prend sens quand la répression est liée aux risques de la participation et à sa dimension émotionnelle dans une configuration spécifique.This article analyses the process of mobilization and demobilization in the case of the 1968 student movement in Mexico City. It begins with a reminder of the context in which the struggle is rooted, and goes on analyzing the fight between protagonists during seven months of conflict; it focuses on the role of repression in the process of mobilization and demobilization. By studying, on the one hand, the internal dynamics of the movement in relation to the socio-political configuration making possible or limiting this same dynamics, and, on the other, testimonies of activists to identify the perception of the mobilization’s costs and risks, this article highlights that the weight of repression in the protest cycle makes sense if linked to the costs and risks of participation and to the emotional dimension of repression in a specific configuration

La mobilisation hétéronome des enseignants mexicains (1914-2014)

The National Union of Education Workers (SNTE, Spanish acronym) is one of the most important unions in Mexico. With more than 1.2 million members it is among the strongest political and social actors in the country. As a result of the 1979 split in the core of this organization, the National Coordinator of Education Workers (CNTE, Spanish acronym) was created as a democratic response to the official alliance between the Union and the government. CNTE has been a main actor in public demonstrations to claim democratization in all social and political processes, as well as in union and labor conditions. Since then, the teachers’ struggle has been divided into two groups: those who are part of the government alliances, and those supporting democratic resistance. I will seek to analyze the settings and features of the union action through the political protest of these two teachers union groups, which have been of great relevance in Mexican politics

Cambio y privatización de la educación superior contemporánea en México /\ua0tesis que para obtener el grado de Doctor en Pedagogía, presenta María Guadalupe Olivier Téllez

. XXVIII, 383, [1] páginas :\ua0ilustraciones. Doctorado en Pedagogía\ua0UNAM, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras,\ua0201

Mujeres en el activismo político: resonancias biográficas del movimiento del 68

This article reconstructs the life stories of two activists who began working in social movements as one of the effects of the 1968 student movement. Through the use of the following categories: historical and biographical resonances of activism, as units of analysis, we establish a process of comparing life stories with a gender perspective. We emphasize the notion of personal availability proposed by McAdam (1988) by defining historical stages, derived from the country’s main social struggles in which the activists participated and were trained as leaders and intermediate political cadres, influencing their organizations and the movements in which they participated. The biographical resonances of their activism allowed them to recruit other participants, influence their worldviews, inspire new strategies of resistance and contribute to the impact of other activists in their struggle.En este artículo se reconstruyen historias de vida de dos activistas que se iniciaron en los movimientos sociales, como uno de los efectos del movimiento estudiantil de 1968. A través de la utilización de las categorías: resonancias históricas y biográficas del activismo, como unidades de análisis, establecemos un proceso de comparación de historias de vida con perspectiva de género. Destacamos la noción de disponibilidad personal (personal availability) propuesta por McAdam (1988), por medio de la definición de etapas históricas, derivadas de las principales luchas sociales del país, donde las activistas participaron, se formaron como líderes y cuadros políticos intermedios, influyendo en sus organizaciones y los movimientos donde participaron. Las resonancias biográficas de su activismo les permitieron reclutar a otros(as) participantes, influir en sus visiones del mundo, inspirar nuevas estrategias de resistencia y contribuir al impacto de otros(as) activistas en su lucha

Tensiones políticas en el proceso de movilización-desmovilización: El movimiento #YoSoy132

The aim of this paper is to highlight the main tensions of #YoSoy132 movement, emerged in Mexico in 2012 electoral process, and spread up to dozens of cities across the country. Despite the symbolic impact it had on the electoral cam- paign and in the soul of citizen groups, the movement did not achieve its immediate goals. It entered into a mobili- zation-demobilization dynamic, it concluded amid strong divisions in January 2013, and generated a period of contra- dictory resonances and expectations, into fragmented groups of activists in different parts of the country. El objetivo de este trabajo es destacar las principales tensiones del movimiento #YoSoy132, que emergió en México durante el proceso electoral de 2012, y se extendió a decenas de ciudades en todo el país. A pesar de su impacto simbólico sobre el proceso electoral y en el ánimo de la ciudadanía, el movimiento no logró sus objetivos inmediatos, entró en una dinámica de movilización-desmovilización, concluyó en medio de fuertes escisiones en enero de 2013, y generó un periodo de contradictorias resonancias y expectativas, en grupos fragmentados de activistas en algunas partes del país