Corpus y construcciones: perspectivas hispánicas

Los trabajos que integran este volumen constituyen una muestra significativa de las aportaciones actuales de la lingüística de corpus en el ámbito hispánico. La primera parte está dedicada al análisis de fenómenos gramaticales con datos de corpus. La segunda se centra en el diseño y elaboración de corpus textuales de diverso tipo, con especial atención a las posibilidades de recuperación y explotación de los datos que contienen. En ambos bloques se pone de manifiesto la variedad de recursos y métodos de análisis propiciados por el desarrollo de corpus tanto del español como de otras lenguas (gallego, portugués, alemán). Varios capítulos muestran la necesidad de un enfoque plurilingüe, bien para dar cuenta de fenómenos de variación y cambio en situaciones de contacto, bien para desarrollar recursos lingüísticos para la enseñanza de lenguas extranjeras o para la traducción. La autoría plural de la obra configura un panorama diverso y estimulante de las posibilidades que ofrece la lingüística de corpus para profundizar en el conocimiento de las lenguas.Axencia Galega de Innovación, ref. nº ED431B 2017/3

The place of exclamatives and miratives in grammar: a functional discourse grammar view

The concept of mirativity has come to interfere in the recently developed framework of Functional Discourse Grammar with what would be considered to be exclamative elsewhere. In addition, the concept of exclamative itself turns out to be ill-defined in various studies within the functional paradigm. The aim of this paper is to provide a systematic description of the semantic, pragmatic and syntactic differences between miratives and exclamatives, and propose a way in which these differences can be accounted for within Functional Discourse Grammar. This study is mainly based on data from Ecuadorian Highland Spanish; crucial claims will be supported with additional data from other languages

The Perfect in (Brazilian) Portuguese: A Functional Discourse Grammar View

In most Germanic and Romance languages the present perfect has developed from a resultative meaning via an anterior into absolute past. In Functional Discourse Grammar terms this corresponds to the grammaticalization of a phasal aspectual operator at the layer of the Configurational Property, via a relative tense operator at the layer of the State-of-Affairs, into an absolute tense operator at the layer of the Episode. This is what happened in Romance languages, such as French and Italian, while Peninsular Spanish is developing in the same direction, without as yet having fully reached the absolute past stage. The Portuguese present perfect, however, is different as it does not express resultative aspect, relative past or absolute past meaning but rather the iteration or continuity of an event from some past moment onward until after the moment of speaking. A further idiosyncrasy of the perfect in Portuguese is that the auxiliary is based on Latin tenere rather than habere, as is the case in the other Romance languages. This paper describes the semantic and the morphosyntactic aspects of the grammaticalization of the (Brazilian) Portuguese perfect in diachrony and synchrony. It turns out that (i) the medieval habere-based Portuguese present perfect becomes obsolete and the past perfect develops into a relative past, (ii) the post-medieval tenere-based past perfect turns into a relative past as well, whereas (iii) the tenere-based present perfect undergoes semantic specialization in the course of the 20th century. This paper shows how these facts can be accounted for within the Functional Discourse Grammar approach to the grammaticalization of aspect and tense

Systems of TMA and Related Categories in Functional Discourse Grammar: A Brief Overview

In this introductory paper, we will briefly introduce FDG and its treatment of systems of tense, aspect, mood, evidentiality, polarity, mirativity and localization, as well as their lexical counterparts

El uso de aunque en el español peninsular: Un análisis discursivo-funcional

En este trabajo describimos los usos de aunque en un corpus de obras literarias publicadas en España. Nos valemos de la Gramática Discursivo-Funcional como instrumento descriptivo aunque sin entrar en detalles del formalismo correspondiente. La conjunción aunque se usa en contextos concesivos y concesivo-condicionales, que de modo general se distinguen por el uso del modo indicativo en la prótasis concesiva y del subjuntivo en la concesivo-condicional. En las oraciones concesivas aunque introduce modificadores del enunciado o de la enunciación. En el primer caso, la cláusula concesiva actúa como modificador adverbial de apódosis eventivas o proposicionales, mientras que en el segundo, modifica actos discursivos o entidades comunicativas mayores, los así llamados movimientos. En los contextos concesivo-condicionales la prótasis introducida por aunque es de naturaleza escalar y puede expresar condiciones reales o irreales. Aparte de modificar apódosis eventivas y proposicionales, la cláusula concesivo-condicional puede expresar propiedades hipotéticas mínimas de eventosIn this study we describe the use of aunque in Spanish narrative texts. We use Functional Discourse Grammar as a descriptive tool, without however going into technical details. The conjunction aunque is used for the expression of concessive and concessive conditional meanings, which can, globally, be distinguished through the use of the indicative in the former and that of the subjunctive in the latter case. In concessive sentences, aunque can modify descriptive or interactional apodoses. In the first case, the concessive clause acts as an adverbial modifier of either events or propositions, whereas in the second, the concessive clause modifies either a discourse act or a larger communicative entity, the so-called move. In conditional concessive contexts, the aunque protasis is of a scalar nature and can express real or unreal conditions. In addition to modifying eventive and propositional apodoses, the concessive conditional clause can express hypothetical minimal properties of event