Macht und Machthierarchien in den internationalen Beziehungen: Ein Analysekonzept für die Forschung über regionale Führungsmächte

Much of recent international relations literature argues conflicts to achieve or to frustrate regional dominance will become more virulent in the future. In this context we examine different approaches in international relations theory regarding the role and importance which they attribute to regional powers. We discuss diverse concepts of power and theoretical approaches that address the topics of power relations and power hierarchies in international politics. Marking differences as well as common grounds with the more traditional concept of "middle powers", we sketch an analytical concept of regional powers adequate for contemporary international relations research. The paper concludes with reflections on the relationship between regional powers and regional integration and a short discussion of the analytical value of the concept of cooperative hegemony for the study of regional powers.International Relations, Power, Power Transition, Regional Powers, Middle Powers, Cooperative Hegemony

Representing Different Constituencies: Electoral Rules in Bicameral Systems in Latin America and Their Impact on Political Representation

This article analyzes the quantitative (mechanical) effects and qualitative (perceptions) effects on political representation of the election of two separate chambers in Latin America’s bicameral systems. After discussing the spread and strength of bicameralism in Latin America, we compare the different electoral systems for lower chambers and Senates. Our study shows that in a region characterized by relatively high levels of malapportionment in the first chamber, the second chamber reinforces the malapportionment in parliament. Representation tends to be much more disproportional in the upper chamber than in the lower house. Moreover, the differences in the electoral systems and district magnitudes for both chambers make it more difficult for women to win a seat in the Senate.Latin America, Senates, bicameralism, electoral systems, malapportionment, gender quota

Die neue Verortung Lateinamerikas in der internationalen Politik

The drinking water plant in this case study is a combined groundwater and reverse osmosisplant in the Stockholm archipelago. The reverse osmosis purification step was added to theplant in 1995. This technique is relatively new in Sweden and there are possibilities for it tobecome a good complement to conventional drinking water treatment. The plant has used thistechnique for over 10 years with good results. It is therefore of great interest to evaluate anddocument it for the possibility to implement this technique in areas not connected toconventional drinking water production.Reverse osmosis separates the incoming water to a clean permeate and concentrate ofremoved particles, larger molecules and ions. This technique has a high purification degree. Itcan remove dissolved particles and microorganisms without disinfection. However, it isrelatively expensive due to a high electricity consumption compared to conventional drinkingwater treatment. The high electricity consumption in this kind of system depends on aphenomenon called membrane fouling caused by the constituents in the raw water, graduallybecoming enriched on the membrane surface.The aim of this thesis was to evaluate and document a drinking water plant in the Stockholmarchipelago from a social, economical, technical and environmental perspective. A socialsurvey in the form of a questionnaire was conducted to reveal opinions about the water qualityprovided by the plant. The economical evaluation was done to estimate the cost of drinkingwater production and find the water cost in Kr/m3. The technical part involved documentationof the plant layout and evaluation of its performance. To assess the performance historicalchemical and microbial analyses were evaluated. A mass balance was attempted to drawconclusions for the overall system. The environmental part of the plant assessment, includedan estimate of the electricity and chemicals use in the plant.The results revealed that from an overall perspective the water quality from the plant issatisfactory with some concerns about metal taste and turbidity that sometimes occur. Thepotential presence of dangerous algal toxins in the water was also a concern. The totalproduction cost in Kr/m3 is higher than expected and higher than sales price. In technicalterms, the plant has functioned well. However, there is a need to monitor more parameters inthe plant including; more flow parameters, concentrations of added chemicals and more waterquality parameters. Electricity consumption has been higher than expected. Control(throttling) valves in the brine reject are relatively large energy consumers and arecommendation is to investigate potential savings by changing them for pressure exchangevalves.www.ima.kth.s

China Is Challenging but (Still) Not Displacing Europe in Latin America

While Latin America's trade with China is flourishing again, and China's government is courting Latin America, the European Union risks being outpaced. This is demonstrated by new cooperation initiatives within the framework of the second China-CELAC forum, which took place in Santiago de Chile on 21-22 January 2018. By contrast, the third summit between the European Union and CELAC (Community of Latin American and Caribbean States), originally scheduled for October 2017, was postponed indefinitely. China has displaced Europe as the second-most important trade partner of Latin America behind the United States; in some of the region's countries it has even become the most important trade partner. To further expand trade, the Chinese government invited Latin American governments to join the Road and Belt Initiative (RBI). European foreign direct investment (FDI) is still much more important in Latin America than Chinese FDI. But China is expanding and diversifying its investments in the region, and it has become an important lender. China's relations with Latin America are pragmatic, covering a broad political spectrum and evincing a strong focus on economic topics. But China is also projecting soft power to advance its interests in Latin America, promoting Chinese culture, fostering academic exchange, and welcoming future political leaders. While China has been able to take advantage of the United States' disregard of Latin America, the European Union has not lived up to expectations: it neither concluded the negotiations of a free trade agreement with Mercosur, nor managed to upgrade its existing agreements with Chile and Mexico, developments that had been expected to take place in 2017. Europe should take the Chinese challenge in Latin America more seriously, and the European Union should engage more with Latin America and develop a clear strategy. Concluding and improving upon free trade and cooperation agreements with Latin America should be a high priority. Latin American and Caribbean governments are interested in creating a win-win situation and cooperating with both China and Europe. China is not displacing Europe in Latin America, but it is expanding into areas vacated by the European Union

The Pacific Alliance: nation-branding through regional organisations

On 1 July 2016 the presidents of Chile, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru celebrated the 11th Summit of the Pacific Alliance (PA) in Puerto Varas, Chile. The PA members quite successfully practise a kind of joint "nation-branding" to promote trade and investment and to enhance their international status and visibility. Since its formation in 2012 the PA has attracted the interest of states and business sectors around the world. The PA is basically an economic strategic alliance designed to project and to promote the common interests of its member countries within Latin America and vis-à-vis the United States, Europe, and especially Asia. This explains why the PA is an organisation with many more observer states (49) than member states. These observer states include economic heavyweights such as Japan, China, Germany, France, the United Kingdom, and the United States, as well as three of the five Southern Common Market (Mercosur) countries and a member of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA). With its trade liberalisation agenda, the PA differentiates itself from other Latin American regional organisations, such as Mercosur and ALBA, and brings a new dynamic to Latin American economic integration. Moreover, it has revived Mexico as an external actor in the South American regional subs ystem. From a geopolitical perspective, the PA strengthens the Pacific shift in South America and economic links with Asia. Furthermore, it offers the US government new opportunities to promote its free trade agenda in Latin America at a time when Washington is showing renewed interest in L atin America. Policy Implications The four member countries of the PA "branded" themselves as gateways to Asia and as "good economies" compared to the "bad economies" of other more stateoriented economies in Latin America. With the recent political shift to the right in the region, the PA may become more influential and thus more capable of advancing trade liberalisation in Latin America. Likewise, the European Union may obtain greater leverage in its relations with Latin America through its close cooperation and free trade agreements with the PA countries

Chile's Constitutional Reform Process Rebooted

Almost two years after about 80 per cent of Chileans voted for comprehensive constitutional reform and the election of a Constitutional Convention, the new draft constitution was roundly rejected by the voters in a 4 September referendum. Since the majority of those who rejected the proposal are in favour of a new constitution, the constitution-making process will continue, with many unanswered questions going forward. The reasons for the rejection of the constitution are manifold: they lie in the performance of the Constitutional Convention, the quality of the draft, a misjudgement of the political constellation of forces and the interests of the citizens, and changing political and economic conditions since the beginning of the constitution-making process. Even a participatory constitutional process that has been exemplary from a democratic and constitutional perspective can fail. Constitutional poetry may warm the hearts of core supporters but is insufficient to persuade those living in prosaic circumstances. The Constitutional Convention, with its large number of independents and political newcomers, did not live up to expectations. Political parties and Congress will end up playing a crucial role in the next round of constitution-making. Even the supporters of the proposed constitution recognised its shortcomings before the referendum, and most of the opponents also want a new constitution. The dissatisfaction on both sides with the status quo and the reform process could be the basis for a consensus on the core elements of a new constitution and the procedure leading to it. But there is also the risk that the hubris of the left majority in the Constitutional Convention will be replaced by the hubris of the right in the wake of this draft's rejection. The political elite must decide as quickly as possible how to proceed in the constitution-making process. Otherwise, there is a risk of renewed social unrest and of further loss of confidence in political institutions. The positive scenario would be the drafting of a constitution that retains as many of the progressive innovations as possible but also accommodates the main concerns of the opponents of the rejected proposal

How to compare regional powers: analytical concepts and research topics

Although the concept of regional power is frequently used in International Relations (IR) literature, there is no consensus regarding the defining characteristics of a regional power. The article discusses different theoretical approaches that address the topic of power hierarchies in international politics and make reference to the concept of regional power. Marking differences as well as common ground with the more traditional concept of ‘middle powers’, the article outlines an analytical concept of regional powers adequate for contemporary IR research. The analytical dimensions of the framework may be employed to differentiate regional powers from other states and to compare regional powers with regard to their power status or relative power. Furthermore, the article investigates the possible repercussions of the rise of regional powers for international politics and discusses the probable importance and functions of regional governance structures for regional powers

Costs and Benefits of Overlapping Regional Organizations in Latin America: the Case of the OAS and UNASUR

This article investigates whether the overlapping of intergovernmental regional organizations in Latin America with regard to membership and mandate is harmful or beneficial to regional cooperation (with a special focus on mediation in domestic and international conflicts). The article begins by systematizing the discussion about the possible risks and potential benefits of overlapping regional organizations, and then outlines hypotheses that can be tested in concrete episodes of overlap of action. The article then analyzes nine episodes in which an overlap of action has occurred between two Latin American organizations, the Organization of American States (OAS) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). The results of the study are mixed. However, the effects of overlapping seem to be much less problematic than a large body of literature generally assumes

Trade: The Undervalued Driver of Regional Integration in Latin America

Many regional organisations in Latin America are currently in crisis. Trade agreements, however, have made progress in the region. Today, 80 per cent of intra-regional trade is already under preferences. In March 2017 several international financial organisations - the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) - each independently proposed the creation of a Latin American and Caribbean free trade area. Although ideological polarisation and the economic crisis led to a stagnation of high-flying regional cooperation projects, regional projects with more pragmatic and issue-specific objectives, such as the Pacific Alliance (PA), are gaining ground. In contrast to Trump's protectionist policies, an overwhelming majority of Latin Americans support free trade with neighbouring countries and regional economic integration. Tariffs are no longer the main obstacles to increasing trade in Latin America. The existing network of preferential trade agreements in Latin America provides a platform for the implementation of a regional free trade area. The elimination of non-tariff measures, the harmonisation of rules of origin, and the lowering of transport costs by improving the infrastructure and the interoperability of national customs systems can increase intra-regional trade. Pragmatic regionalism strives for a harmonisation of rules and standards but does not aspire to create supranational institutions. The advances of Latin American economic regionalism have been underrated; they should be more capitalised because the economic strength of a country's region conditions the success of global integration strategies. Hence, Latin America needs to develop a policy that combines efforts to integrate both at the regional level and globally. The European Union should both support Latin American economic integration and open its markets to competitive Latin American export products

Potencias regionales en la política internacional: conceptos y enfoques de análisis

Much of recent international relations literature argues conflicts to achieve or to frustrate regional dominance will become more virulent in the future. In this context we examine different approaches in international relations theory regarding the role and importance which they attribute to regional powers. We discuss diverse theoretical approaches that address the topics of power relations and power hierarchies in international politics. Marking differences as well as common grounds with the more traditional concept of “middle powers”, we sketch an analytical concept of regional powers adequate for contemporary international relations research. The paper concludes with reflections on the relationship between regional powers and regional integration and a short discussion of the analytical value of the concept of cooperative hegemony for the study of regional powers.International Relations, Power, Power Transition, Regional Powers, Middle Powers, Cooperative Hegemony