44 research outputs found

    Developments and Reforms in Cameroon Land Law Since 1884.

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    This thesis is the first of its kind, so far as Cameroon land law is concerned, in that it is the first attempt to cover the country as a whole. The subject is treated in five parts comprising a total of twelve chapters. Part one, which is the introduction, has two chapters, the first of which briefly outlines the country's history whereas the second chapter explains the present administrative structure of Cameroon. The third and fourth chapters, of which part two consists are devoted to the ethnic composition of Cameroon. Chapter three traces the patterns of settlement of the different ethnic groups in the territory and chapter four undertakes an analytical description of these groups from the point of view of their political, kinship and economic systems as well as their religions and languages. The two chapters of part three which deal with the indigenous land tenures respectively analyse the interests of benefit on the one hand and the interests of control on the other. These are the two broad schemes of interests enjoyed under the indigenous land tenures in the territory. Part four consists of three chapters corresponding to the three European Powers, Germany, Britain and France which administered the territory between 1884 and 1961. Apart from discussing the effects of this European administration on the indigenous institutions, the administrative and political separation of the territory between 1922 and 1961, when Britain and France administered the area is also discussed. The fifth and final part also contains three chapters. The first two chapters examine the reaction of the governments of the two federated states of East and West Cameroon to the land tenure policies which had been adopted in these territories by France and Britain. The twelfth and last chapter takes a critical look at the current land tenure reforms in the country

    Population awareness of cardiovascular disease and its risk factors in Buea, Cameroon

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    Abstract Background Adequate awareness of cardiovascular diseases (CVD) and their risk factors may help reduce the population’s exposure to modifiable risk factors and thereby contribute to prevention and control strategies. There is limited data on knowledge among the general population in sub-Saharan Africa regarding CVD and risk factors. We aimed to assess the population awareness (and associated factors) of CVD types and risk factors in Buea, Cameroon. Methods This was a community-based cross-sectional study conducted in 2016 among randomly selected adults (>18 years). Data on socio-demographic characteristics, knowledge about CVD types, their risk factors and warning signs for CVD events (stroke and heart attack) were acquired using a self-administered questionnaire. Logistic regression analysis was used to investigate factors associated with moderate-to-good knowledge. Results Of the 1162 participants (61.7% women, mean age 32 years), 52.5% had overall poor knowledge (mean score 12.1 on total of 25) on CVD with only about a quarter correctly identifying types of CVD. Overall, 36, 63 and 45% were unaware of CVD risk factors, warning signs of heart attack and stroke respectively. In multivariable analysis; high level of education (aOR = 2.26 (1.69–3.02), p < 0.0001), high monthly income (aOR = 1.64 (1.07–2.51), p = 0.023), having a family history of CVD (aOR = 1.59 (1.21–2.09), p = 0.001) and being a former smoker (aOR = 1.11 (1.02–1.95), p = 0.043) were associated with moderate-to-good knowledge. Conclusions There exists a significant gap in population awareness about CVDs in Cameroon and this is similar to previous reports. Cost-effective community health education interventions taking into account socioeconomic status may be beneficial in this setting

    Deux formes de savoir complémentaires

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    Ignoré pendant des lustres, le rôle du savoir indigène comme base d'approche du développement viable est enfin reconnu dans de nombreux pays. Le savoir international qui a prévalu dans les programmes de développement, spécialement dans la gestion des ressources naturelles et l'agriculture, s'est montré incapable de résoudre seul convenablement les problèmes des pays du tiers-monde. La définition du savoir indigène n'est pas unique et ses descriptions sont au contraire multiples : « savoir local », « savoir spécifiquement culturel et local » ou « système de connaissances localisées, spécifiques d'une société ou d'un groupe ethnique ». En pratique, il s'agit des technologies indigènes, élaborées par une communauté pour résoudre des problèmes particuliers en tenant compte des facteurs déterminants locaux. Dans le cas de l'agriculture, ces solutions sont trouvées par les paysans. Les techniques et le savoir sont spécifiques des conditions écologiques de la ferme et des besoins de l'exploitant. Ils l'aident à produire suffisamment pour nourrir sa famille et commercialiser un surplus sur les marchés locaux. Le terme de « savoir indigène » permet de faire la distinction entre les domaines de connaissance d'une société donnée et les systèmes de savoir internationaux, que l'on appelle aussi « savoir occidental », diffusés par l'Université, les centres de recherche gouvernementaux et l'industrie. Ceux qui ont trop compté sur ces savoirs internationaux devraient se souvenir que les sociétés ont mis des siècles à construire leur propre système de connaissances, modifié au fil des ans pour leur permettre de vivre en harmonie avec leur environnement et en accord avec ses changements. Le savoir indigène ne doit pas nécessairement être considéré comme supérieur au savoir occidental ou international, mais il ne doit pas non plus être sousestimé. Ignorer l'un ou l'autre équivaudrait à se priver de connaissances quipeuvent être profitables. Un équilibre doit être trouvé et on peut attendre les meilleurs résultats en jouant la complémentarité plutôt que la concurrence. J Trouver un équilibre Il faut avant tout disposer d'une information intelligible permettant de comparer les forces et les faiblesses du savoir indigène avec celles de son équivalent global. On peut mettre son potentiel en lumière en l'exhumant de la mémoire des communautés qui le portent. La méthode de recherche peut cependant se révéler plus complexe qu'il y paraît. Savoir où s'adresser et qui interroger ne sont que les premières difficultés à surmonter. Dans certaines contrées, le savoir local est devenu, ces dernières années, un secret bien gardé par suite de la conduite peu scrupuleuse de certains scientifiques occidentaux. Des informations et des objets ont ainsi été utilisés sans qu'aient été dédommagés ceux qui les avaient fournis. De ce fait, lorsqu'on les interroge, les détenteurs de ce savoir sont parfois très réticents. Si un savoir doit être utilisé pour un projet local, il suffit généralement d'expliquer les avantages qu'y trouvera la communauté pour avoir accès aux informations. Dans d'autres cas, il peut être nécessaire de fournir une compensation. Les pays intégrant ce savoir local dans leurs plans de développement en tirent de nombreux avantages. Il encourage la population rurale à trouver des solutions à ses problèmes et s'on utilisation fait progressivement de ces ruraux en attente de développement des participants actifs. Participer au développement ne signifie pas simplement travailler pour les projets. Pour atteindre les meilleurs résultats, la communauté doit être impliquée au stade initial de l'élaboration du projet. Ainsi peut-elle cerner elle-même ses besoins et y apporter ses propres solutions, en appliquant son savoir, ce qui améliore nettement sa contribution. Quand les communautés ne sont pas engagées au début des projets, ceux-ci cessent souvent d'exister après le départ des experts alors qu'ils ont de meilleures chances de perdurer dans le cas contraire. Au Cameroun comme dans de nombreux pays, le potentiel du savoir local commence tout juste à être reconnu. Qu'il constitue une ressource stratégique nationale à valoriser ne fait aucun doute car il définit les bases de la gestion à long terme de l'agriculture et des ressources naturelles. Les premiers résultats de nos recherches actuelles au Cameroun montrent que les autochtones ont élaboré des approches très originales pour la conservation de la biodiversité, des ressources du sol et de l'eau. Ces approches réfutent les systèmes coloniaux et sont promises à un meilleur avenir. Avec 9 000 espèces végétales, 800 espèces d'oiseaux et quelque 300 espèces de mammifères à préserver, le Cameroun est un terrain d'expérience idéal pour l'application de ce savoir indigène. Ce haut niveau de biodiversité a été maintenu jusqu'à présent grâce aux pratiques indigènes ancestrales qui utilisaient les ressources disponibles sans jamais les surexploiter. Les contraintes sont de plus en plus fortes à mesure que la population croît mais, en combinant les connaissances traditionnelles au savoir occidental, des systèmes d'agriculture plus productifs à long terme sont en train de se développer. Les opinions émises dans cette tribune libre n'engagent que leurs auteurs. Elles ne sauraient être attribuées au CTA.Ignoré pendant des lustres, le rôle du savoir indigène comme base d'approche du développement viable est enfin reconnu dans de nombreux pays. Le savoir international qui a prévalu dans les programmes de développement, spécialement dans la..

    Knowledge is of two kinds

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    Ignored for many decades, the role of indigenous knowledge in providing the basis for a sustainable approach to development is now being recognized in many countries. The international knowledge systems that have dominated the development agenda, especially in agriculture and natural resources management, have proved to be insufficient on their own to adequately address the problems of Third World countries. Indigenous knowledge is a term with no universally accepted definition but with many descriptions; 'local knowledge', 'location and culture specific knowledge' and 'localized knowledge systems unique to a particular society or ethnic group' are some that are in current use. In practical terms these are the indigenous technologies developed by a local community to solve a particular problem taking into account all the local relevant factors. In the case of agriculture these solutions are developed by farmers. The technology and knowledge is specific to the farms' environmental conditions and the farmers' needs and helps them to produce enough to feed their families and in many cases to provide surpluses for local markets. The term indigenous knowledge is best used to distinguish between these knowledge systems, developed by a community, and the international knowledge systems, also called Western knowledge, generated through universities, government research centres and private industries. Those who have relied excessively on these international knowledge systems for addressing problems encountered would do well to remember that communities have been evolving knowledge systems for centuries. The systems are modified each year, enabling communities to live harmoniously with their environment as their needs and environment change. Indigenous knowledge should not necessarily be considered more important than Western or international knowledge, but at the same time the value of this indigenous knowledge must not be underestimated. It should be utilized with the international or Western knowledge in a balanced way. To ignore either one of these knowledge systems would be to exclude some knowledge that could be beneficial for the future of a community. Neither indigenous knowledge nor the international Western knowledge systems seem to be able to provide sustainable solutions to meet future demands. Both have their strengths and weaknesses, but by using the two knowledge systems in a complementary rather than competitive way, the best results can be achieved. In order to do this effectively there has to be comprehensive information on the indigenous knowledge available to allow its relative strengths and weaknesses to be compared and contrasted with those of its global counterpart. By researching indigenous knowledge and retrieving it from the communities the potential of indigenous knowledge can be unravelled. The process of researching indigenous knowledge may not be as straightforward as it sounds. The questions of where to go and who to ask are just the first problems that need to be solved. In recent years indigenous knowledge in some areas has become a well-guarded secret as a result of the unscrupulous behaviour of some Western scientists. Some indigenous knowledge and material has been collected and used without rewarding those who provided the original information. In certain areas there is great reluctance on the part of the practitioners to release their knowledge for precisely this reason. But, when the knowledge is going to be used as part of a local project, explaining the purpose of the study and the benefits the community may derive from the results will often be enough to access the required knowledge. In other cases it may be necessary to provide compensation for this knowledge. Countries that include indigenous knowledge in their development planning derive many advantages. As well as being an important first step to development, it also empowers rural people who use their own knowledge to seek solutions to their problems. Indigenous knowledge used in this way would gradually convert the rural people from receivers of development to participants in their own development. It is important to realize that being participants in development does not merely mean acting as labourers in projects. To achieve the best end results in a project, community participation must be involved from the initial design stage. Thus the community can apply their local knowledge and expertise to the problems and develop their own solutions, greatly increasing their contribution and commitment to the project. When communities are not involved in this way, the departure of the experts often results in the collapse of projects. For this reason many projects fail to fulfil their objectives. If the communities have been involved from the earliest stages then a project is more likely to be self-sustaining and to continue. In many countries, including Cameroon, the development potential of indigenous knowledge is only now being recognized. There is no doubt that it constitutes a strategic national resource that ought to be harnessed as it provides a sustainable basis for agriculture and natural resources management. Preliminary results from our research currently underway in Cameroon show that indigenous people have developed very creative approaches to the conservation of biodiversity, soil and water resources and dispute settlement systems; approaches that have potential on a much wider scale. With a very rich biodiversity to be maintained, 9,000 species of plants, over 800 species of birds and some 300 species of mammals, Cameroon is proving to be an ideal testing ground for the role of indigenous knowledge. This high level of biodiversity has been maintained so far as a result of the indigenous systems used for generations, using the resources available without over-exploiting them. More and more strain is now being put on these indigenous systems as population growth continues but, by combining this indigenous knowledge with Western knowledge, more productive and sustainable systems of agriculture are being developed.Ignored for many decades, the role of indigenous knowledge in providing the basis for a sustainable approach to development is now being recognized in many countries. The international knowledge systems that have dominated the development agenda,..

    Legal and Administrative Constraints to Small and Medium Sized Enterprises in Cameroon

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    101 SME (Small and Medium-sized Enterprise) operators were interviewed in a sample survey in Douala, Cameroon, to elicit the legal and administrative constraints to the creation and functioning of SMEs in Cameroon. The fulfilment of business entry requirements entails transactions costs which are by far more than the legal costs. For example, while the direct cost for a one-man business is 1,6000 francs, the sole proprietors who were interviewed reported an average expenditure of 107, 550 (672.19% of this amount) to fulfil the requirements. A bar operator spent on average 55,562 francs for a "licence" which should be obtained free from the Sub Prefect to the locality. A sole proprietor spent 20.88 days, general commerce 10.64 days while a bar operator spent 18.28 days to fulfil pre-entry requirements. A sole proprietor who succeeds to raise the minimal starting capital of 500,000 francs must raise an additional 371,781.4 francs (74.36% of the starting capital) for pre-entry requirements. If pre-entry taxes are included, the amount goes up to 1,091,196.5 francs (218.2% for the sole proprietor and 3,003,790.4 francs (600.8%) for incorporated SMEs. legal and administrative requirements thus form a major barrier to the creation of SMEs in this country. African Journal of Finance and Management Vol.8(1) 1999: 42-5

    Sex-specific-evaluation of metabolic syndrome prevalence in Algeria: insights from the 2016–2017 non-communicable diseases risk factors survey

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    Abstract Metabolic syndrome (MetS) is a core driver of cardiovascular diseases (CVD); however, to date, gender differences in MetS prevalence and its components have not been assessed in the Algerian adult general population. This study aimed to determine the gender differences in MetS prevalence and its components, in the general population of Algeria. Secondary analysis was performed on data from the Algerian 2016–2017 non-communicable disease risk factor survey. MetS was determined according to the harmonized Joint Interim Statement criteria. A Poisson regression model based on Generalised Estimating Equations was used to estimate the adjusted prevalence ratios (aPR) for the sex-specific factors associated with MetS. Overall, the prevalence of MetS was 34.0% (95% CI 32.4–35.6). MetS prevalence in women and men was 39.1% (95% CI 37.0–41.3) and 29.1% (95% CI 27.2–31.2), respectively. The most frequent triad was the clustering of abdominal obesity with low HDL-cholesterol and high blood pressure among women (8.9%; 95% CI [8.0–10.0]) and low HDL-cholesterol with high blood pressure and hyperglycaemia among men (5.2%; 95% CI [4.3–6.3]). Increasing age (aPR 3.21 [2.35–4.39] in men and aPR 3.47 [2.86–4.22] in women), cohabitation (aPR 1.14 [1.05–1.24]), women residing in urban areas (aPR 1.13 [1.01–1.26]), men with higher educational levels (aPR 1.39 [1.14–1.70]), and men with insufficient physical activity (aPR 1.16 [1.05–1.30]) were associated with higher risk of MetS. In this population-based study, one in three Algerian adults had MetS, and key components including abdominal obesity, low HDL-cholesterol, and high blood pressure, are very common, especially in women. Reinforcing interventions for weight management targeting married women living in urban areas and improving sufficient physical activity in men with higher socioeconomic status could provide maximal health gains and stem the CVD epidemic in Algeria.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishe

    Ivermectin-induced fixed drug eruption in an elderly Cameroonian: a case report

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    Cutaneous adverse reactions to medications are extremely common and display characteristic clinical morphology. A fixed drug eruption is a cutaneous adverse drug reaction due to type IV or delayed cell-mediated hypersensitivity. Ivermectin, a broad-spectrum anti-parasitic compound, has been an essential component of public health campaigns targeting the control of two devastating neglected tropical diseases: onchocerciasis (river blindness) and lymphatic filariasis.We report the case of a 75-year-old Cameroonian man of the Bamileke ancestry who developed multiple fixed drug eruptions a few hours following ivermectin intake that worsened with repeated drug consumption. Discontinuation of the drug, counselling, systemic steroids, and orally administered antihistamines were the treatment modalities employed. Marked regression of the lesions ensued with residual hyperpigmentation and dyschromia.Keen observation on the part of physicians is mandatory during the administration of ivermectin for quick recognition and prevention of this adverse drug reaction

    Sex-specific-evaluation of metabolic syndrome prevalence in Algeria: insights from the 2016–2017 non-communicable diseases risk factors survey

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    Abstract Metabolic syndrome (MetS) is a core driver of cardiovascular diseases (CVD); however, to date, gender differences in MetS prevalence and its components have not been assessed in the Algerian adult general population. This study aimed to determine the gender differences in MetS prevalence and its components, in the general population of Algeria. Secondary analysis was performed on data from the Algerian 2016–2017 non-communicable disease risk factor survey. MetS was determined according to the harmonized Joint Interim Statement criteria. A Poisson regression model based on Generalised Estimating Equations was used to estimate the adjusted prevalence ratios (aPR) for the sex-specific factors associated with MetS. Overall, the prevalence of MetS was 34.0% (95% CI 32.4–35.6). MetS prevalence in women and men was 39.1% (95% CI 37.0–41.3) and 29.1% (95% CI 27.2–31.2), respectively. The most frequent triad was the clustering of abdominal obesity with low HDL-cholesterol and high blood pressure among women (8.9%; 95% CI [8.0–10.0]) and low HDL-cholesterol with high blood pressure and hyperglycaemia among men (5.2%; 95% CI [4.3–6.3]). Increasing age (aPR 3.21 [2.35–4.39] in men and aPR 3.47 [2.86–4.22] in women), cohabitation (aPR 1.14 [1.05–1.24]), women residing in urban areas (aPR 1.13 [1.01–1.26]), men with higher educational levels (aPR 1.39 [1.14–1.70]), and men with insufficient physical activity (aPR 1.16 [1.05–1.30]) were associated with higher risk of MetS. In this population-based study, one in three Algerian adults had MetS, and key components including abdominal obesity, low HDL-cholesterol, and high blood pressure, are very common, especially in women. Reinforcing interventions for weight management targeting married women living in urban areas and improving sufficient physical activity in men with higher socioeconomic status could provide maximal health gains and stem the CVD epidemic in Algeria
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