Activity of high-dose epirubicin combined with gemcitabine in advanced non-small-cell lung cancer: a multicenter phase I and II study

The aim of the study was to evaluate efficacy and tolerance of epirubicin and gemcitabine as first-line chemotherapy in patients with advanced non-small-cell lung cancer. A phase I study was performed with the combination of escalating doses of epirubicin intravenously on day 1 and a fixed dose of gemcitabine on days 1 and 8 of a 21-day cycle. Eighteen patients were included in the phase I part of the study before the maximum tolerated dose was found. Dose-limiting toxicity was febrile neutropenia. The phase II part of the study was continued with epirubicin 100 mg m−2on day 1 and gemcitabine 1125 mg m−2on days 1 and 8 of a 21-day cycle. Forty-three chemotherapy-naive patients were included. The median age of the patients was 60 years (range 26–75). Most patients (74%) were in stage IV. Granulocytopenia CTC grade 4 occurred in 32.5% and thrombocytopenia grade 4 in 11.6% of cycles. Febrile neutropenia occurred in six patients. Non-haematological toxicity was mainly mucositis CTC grade 2 and 3 in 35% of patients. The tumour response rate was 49% (95% confidence interval (CI) 35–63%). The median survival time for the patients was 42 weeks (95% CI 13–69). © 2000 Cancer Research Campaig

Culture and collective action: Japan, Germany and the United States after 11 September 2001

In order to put a lens on the issue of international security cooperation after 11 September 2001, this article examines the question of how collective action in International Relations becomes possible. The author maintains that a fair amount of inter-state collective action can be understood, even explained, by analysing the culture of the international system. Using discourse analysis as a tool, the analysis addresses the underlying ideas, norms and identities that constitute the relationship between the United States and Japan, on the one hand, and Germany and the United States, on the other, as it has evolved since September 2001. The method exposes how some ideas are privileged over others, how norms are maintained, reformulated and abandoned, how identity is constructed and how power is legitimized in the 'war on terror'

Politicising government engagement with corporate social responsibility: “CSR” as an empty signifier

Governments are widely viewed by academics and practitioners (and society more generally) as the key societal actors who are capable of compelling businesses to practice corporate social responsibility (CSR). Arguably, such government involvement could be seen as a technocratic device for encouraging ethical business behaviour. In this paper, we offer a more politicised interpretation of government engagement with CSR where “CSR” is not a desired form of business conduct but an element of discourse that governments can deploy in structuring their relationships with other social actors. We build our argument through a historical analysis of government CSR discourse in the Russian Federation. Laclau and Mouffe's (Hegemony and socialist strategy: Towards a radical democratic politics,Verso Books, London, 1985) social theory of hegemony underpins our research. We find that “CSR” in the Russian government’s discourse served to legitimise its power over large businesses. Using this case, we contribute to wider academic debates by providing fresh empirical evidence that allows the development of critical evaluation tools in relation to governments’ engagement with “CSR”. We find that governments are capable of hijacking CSR for their own self-interested gain. We close the paper by reflecting on the merit of exploring the case of the Russian Federation. As a “non-core”, non-western exemplar, it provides a useful “mirror” with which to reflect on the more widely used test-bed of Western industrial democracies when scrutinising CSR. Based on our findings, we invite other scholars to adopt a more critical, politicised stance when researching the role of governments in relation to CSR in other parts of the world

Institutions for Asian Connectivity

To make Asia more economically sustainable and resilient against external shocks, regional economies need to be rebalanced toward regional demand- and trade-driven growth through increased regional connectivity. The effectiveness of connectivity depends on the quality of hard and soft infrastructure. Of particular importance in terms of soft infrastructure which makes hard infrastructure work are the facilitating institutions that support connectivity through appropriate policies, reforms, systems, and procedures and through promoting effective coordination and cooperation. Asia has many overlapping subregional institutions involved in national and regional energy, transport, and telecommunications infrastructure connectivity. However, these institutions are characterized as being less effective, informal, and lacking a clear and binding system of rules and policies. This paper draws linkages between connectivity, growth and development, governance, and institutions. It details the benefits the region could achieve by addressing needed connectivity enhancements and the connectivity and financing challenges it faces. In addition, it presents various institutional options for regional infrastructure financing. To build seamless Asian connectivity, Asia needs an effective, formal, and rules-based institutional framework. The paper presents a new institutional framework together with the organizational structures of two new regional institutional mechanisms, namely the Pan-Asian Infrastructure Forum and the Asian Infrastructure Fund

Regional Power Shifts and Climate Knowledge Systems: South Africa as a Climate Power?

In the international system, there has been a power shift towards regional powers, which can be illustrated by recent developments in climate governance. I argue that some of these regional powers are also climate powers, which benefit from an issue-specific power shift. The behavior and strategies of those climate powers are central for global climate governance. To analyze their strategies, a multi-level approach is required that captures the link between domestic climate governance and climate foreign policy. I develop such a concept of climate knowledge systems. It is based on Emanuel Adler's theory of cognitive evolution and communities of practice. A pragmatist philosophy such as this that allows for mixed methods research is most suitable for analyzing the proposed connection between knowledge, practices and change. It also presents the key to an extended regional powers framework, leaving the somewhat artificial boundaries of international relations in climate governance behind. The concept of climate knowledge systems is empirically applied to South Africa with some early tentative results of an online expert survey, as well as the analysis of data of the Carbon Disclosure Project.Im Internationalen System findet eine Machtverschiebung zugunsten der regionalen Führungsmächte statt, die in den jüngeren Entwicklungen im Klima-Governance-Feld deutlich wird. Einige der regionalen Führungsmächte sind auch Klimamächte, die von einer policy-spezifischen Machtverschiebung profitieren. Das Verhalten und die Strategien regionaler Führungsmächte in Bezug auf den Klimawandel sind zentral für die globale Klima-Governance. Für die Analyse der Strategien ist ein Multi-Level-Ansatz notwendig, der die Verbindung zwischen nationaler Klima-Governance und Klima-Außenpolitik erfasst. Ich entwickle ein solches Konzept der Klima-Wissenssysteme. Es basiert auf Emanuel Adlers Theorie der kognitiven Evolution und Communities of Practice. Ein philosophischer Ansatz im Sinne des Pragmatismus, der den Einsatz von qualitativen und quantitativen Methoden ermöglicht, ist am besten für die Analyse der Verbindung von Wissen, Praktiken und Wandel geeignet. Er bildet ferner den Schlüssel zu einem erweiterten Analyserahmen für regionale Führungsmächte, in dem die teils künstlichen Grenzen der Internationalen Beziehungen im Klima-Governance-Feld hinter sich gelassen werden. Das Konzept der Klima-Wissenssysteme wird ferner empirisch auf Südafrika angewandt. Ich lege erste vorläufige Ergebnisse aus einer Online-Experten-Umfrage und den Daten des Carbon Disclosure Project vor

North Korea and the Politics of Visual Representation

Within international discourses on security, North Korea is often associated with risk and danger, emanating paradoxically from what can be called its strengths - particularly military strength, as embodied by its missile and nuclear programs - and its weaknesses - such as its ever-present political, economic, and food crises - which are considered to be imminent threats to international peace and stability. We argue that images play an important role in these representations, and suggest that one should take into account the role of visual imagery in the way particular issues, actions, and events related to North Korea are approached and understood. Reflecting on the politics of visual representation means to examine the functions and effects of images, that is what they do and how they are put to work by allowing only particular kinds of seeing. After addressing theoretical and methodological questions, we discuss individual (and serial) photographs depicting what we think are typical examples of how North Korea is portrayed in the Western media and imagined in international politics

Map of Wilbarger County, Texas /

Mounted on paper and printed on stationary paper.Includes text.Map of the Pan- Handle of Texas and advertisement on verso.LC Land ownership maps, 116