Chapter Cross-linguistic considerations on preverb stacking (with special reference to Bulgarian)

The term preverb stacking (PS) designates the co-occurrence on one verbal base of two or more prefixes bearing spatial, aspectual, or quantificational meanings. The phenomenon is especially productive in Slavic but is also attested in other Indo-European and non-Indo-European languages. This paper provides a first attempt at a cross-linguistic typology of PS. It will also pay attention to problems typical of Slavic (i.e. the interaction of PS and the aspectual value of the verb in terms of the typical Slavic perfective vs. imperfective dichotomy). Special attention will be paid to Bulgarian

The Interaction of Relativization and Noun Incorporation in Southern Hokkaidō Ainu

This paper focuses on relativization in Southern Hokkaidō Ainu. Specifically, evidential expressions constitute the scope of this study since within this semantic domain a morphosyntactic layout reminiscent of internally-headed relative clauses (IHRCs) is found. Moreover, the structure of some evidential expressions suggests that what gives rise to an IHRC in those instances is classificatory noun incorporation (CNI). Following from past studies on Ainu, where IHRCs and CNI are never discussed, and with reference to cross-linguistic approaches to relativization and incorporation, this study addresses the interaction of these two processes in Southern Hokkaidō Ainu and suggests their reconsideration

Noun Incorporation: A New Theoretical Perspective

This dissertation deals with a morphosyntactic process called Noun Incorporation, whereby a nominal component is compounded with a verbal component to yield a complex verbal stem. Special attention is paid to three distinctions which have received little attention in theoretical literature: the directionality alternation (i.e. the pre- or postverbal position of the nominal element), the adjacency alternation (i.e. the fact that preverbal Incorporated Nouns can occupy different slots in the verbal template, differing in their distance from the verbal root), and the free vs. bound dichotomy (whereby the compounded elements may or may not stand in a suppletive relationship with their corresponding free forms). Following Kayne’s (1994) Antisymmetry (but adopting a different cartography), the first alternation is derived from a distinction between incorporated XP nouns (preverbal) and X° nouns (postverbal): the linear order follows from the fact that the verbal root (which is argued to instantiate a complex XP) is blocked in its movement by an XP, but not by an X°. The other two distinctions are captured by a corollary of this hypothesis whereby the derivation is divided into three areas I call Morphological Phases: different configurations of the lowest one (corresponding to a root) determine the free/bound status of a component, whereas the higher ones (vP and the IP field) may give rise to two degrees of nonadjacent incorporation if the nominal component is an XP (i.e., if it is preverbal).Questa tesi discute un processo morfosintattico detto incorporazione nominale, consistente nella fusione di un componente nominale e di un componente verbale e risultante nella formazione di un tema verbale complesso. Attenzione particolare viene dedicata a tre distinzioni poco osservate nella letteratura teorica: l’alternanza di direzionalità (cioè la posizione pre- o postverbale dell’elemento nominale), l’alternanza di adiacenza (cioè il fatto che i nomi incorporati preverbali occupino differenti posizioni nel complesso verbale, diverse nella distanza dalla radice verbale), e la dicotomia libero/legato (per cui gli elementi composti possono o no mostrare suppletivismo rispetto alle corrispondenti forme libere). Seguendo l’Antisimmetria di Kayne (1994), sebbene con una diversa cartografia, la prima alternanza è derivata da una distinzione tra nomi incorporati XP (preverbali) e X° (postverbali): l’ordine lineare deriva dal fatto che il movimento della radice verbale (che si ritiene consistere in XP complesso) viene bloccato da un XP, ma non da un X°. Le altre due distinzioni vengono colte grazie ad un corollario dell’ipotesi secondo cui la derivazione viene ad essere divisa in tre aree da me denominate Fasi Morfologiche: diverse configurazioni della fase più bassa (corrispondente ad una radice) determinano lo stato libero o legato di un componente, mentre quelle più alte (vP e il campo di IP) possono generare due gradi di incorporazione non-adiacente se il componente nominale è un XP (cioè se è preverbale)

Noun Incorporation: A New Theoretical Perspective

Questa tesi discute un processo morfosintattico detto incorporazione nominale, consistente nella fusione di un componente nominale e di un componente verbale e risultante nella formazione di un tema verbale complesso. Attenzione particolare viene dedicata a tre distinzioni poco osservate nella letteratura teorica: l\u2018alternanza di direzionalit\ue0 (cio\ue8 la posizione pre- o postverbale dell\u2018elemento nominale), l\u2018alternanza di adiacenza (cio\ue8 il fatto che i nomi incorporati preverbali occupino differenti posizioni nel complesso verbale, diverse nella distanza dalla radice verbale), e la dicotomia libero/legato (per cui gli elementi composti possono o no mostrare suppletivismo rispetto alle corrispondenti forme libere). Seguendo l\u2018Antisimmetria di Kayne (1994), sebbene con una diversa cartografia, la prima alternanza \ue8 derivata da una distinzione tra nomi incorporati XP (preverbali) e X\ub0 (postverbali): l\u2018ordine lineare deriva dal fatto che il movimento della radice verbale (che si ritiene consistere in XP complesso) viene bloccato da un XP, ma non da un X\ub0. Le altre due distinzioni vengono colte grazie ad un corollario dell\u2018ipotesi secondo cui la derivazione viene ad essere divisa in tre aree da me denominate Fasi Morfologiche: diverse configurazioni della fase pi\uf9 bassa (corrispondente ad una radice) determinano lo stato libero o legato di un componente, mentre quelle pi\uf9 alte (vP e il campo di IP) possono generare due gradi di incorporazione non-adiacente se il componente nominale \ue8 un XP (cio\ue8 se \ue8 preverbale)

Incorporazione nominale: novit\ue0 e implicazioni teoriche

Under N(oun)I(ncorporation), a N stem is compounded with a V stem to yield a complex V stem. After a survey of the most important approaches to the phenomenon, this paper describes some distinctions which have received little attention in the literature, mainly regarding the directionality and adjacency of the components. A new approach is introduced which distinguishes between incorporated XP Ns (preverbal) and X\ub0 Ns (postverbal): this approach is shown to clearly capture the alternations

On the form and meaning of double noun incorporation

Noun Incorporation Constructions commonly involve one noun root and one verb root, but in some languages the verbal member may be compounded with two nominal roots, which almost always have the semantics of a theme and a non-theme (a problematic fact for Baker’s 1988 theory). Moreover, if the non-theme N specifies instrument or manner, the linear order in which the two Ns appear may vary, one N taking scope over the other. This fact too can be a problem for Baker’s theory, as well as for any theory making use of a fixed Thematic Hierarch. By reviewing the most salient features of NICs in general, a theoretical apparatus is proposed which dispenses with the notion of head movement in favor of XP movement, yet preserves the idea of a Thematic Hierarchy by means of a phase-based model of word formation

Chapter Cross-linguistic considerations on preverb stacking (with special reference to Bulgarian)

The term preverb stacking (PS) designates the co-occurrence on one verbal base of two or more prefixes bearing spatial, aspectual, or quantificational meanings. The phenomenon is especially productive in Slavic but is also attested in other Indo-European and non-Indo-European languages. This paper provides a first attempt at a cross-linguistic typology of PS. It will also pay attention to problems typical of Slavic (i.e. the interaction of PS and the aspectual value of the verb in terms of the typical Slavic perfective vs. imperfective dichotomy). Special attention will be paid to Bulgarian

Note sulla relativizzazione in italiano e coreano

Italian and Korean use very different relativization strategies, but some of the most striking differences actually conceal deeper similarities. Starting from a general overview of the structure of relativization in the two languages, this paper pays special attention to the problem of Korean internally-headed relative clauses (IHRCs), a construction not found in Italian. It is shown how these constructions match rather closely a subtype of the Italian constructions known as pseudo-relatives