Estrogen priming GnRH antagonist regimen is an efficient protocol in poor responders

International-Federation-of-Fertility-Societies 21st World Congress on Fertility and Sterility / 69th Annual Meeting of the American-Society-for-Reproductive-Medicine -- OCT 12-17, 2013 -- Boston, MAInt Federat Fertil Soc, Amer Soc Reprod Me

Ten years experience with poor responder patients fulfilling bologna criteria

70th Annual Meeting of the American-Society-for-Reproductive-Medicine -- OCT 18-22, 2014 -- Honolulu, HIAmerican Society for Reproductive Medicin

Factors associated with livebirth in couples undergoing their first in vitro fertilization cycle: An internally validated prediction model

Objective: The aim of the study is to create a new model to predict successful outcome in assisted reproductive techniques

Laparoscopy versus open surgery for the surgical management of tubo-ovarian abscess (TOA). Is there a beneficial impact of early endoscopic intervention in terms of fertility rates?

Objectives: To compare success rates and complications in women undergoing laparoscopic versus open surgical management of tubo-ovarian abscess. We further examined whether early laparoscopic intervention has any impact on pregnancy rates in a subgroup of infertile patients following frozen-thawed embryo transfer. Material and methods: Hospital records of 48 patients diagnosed with TOA between January 2015 and December 2020, who underwent surgical intervention or received only medical treatment were analyzed. All patients were hospitalized, and parenteral antibiotics were commenced on admission initially. Laparoscopic or open surgery was performed within 48 hours course of intravenous antibiotherapy (early intervention) or later according to the clinical findings and antibiotherapy response. Results: Of 48 patients with TOA, 18 (37.5%) underwent laparoscopic and 30 (62.5%) underwent open surgical intervention. The median postoperative hospital stay was shorter (4.5 days vs 7.5 days, respectively; p = 0.035), and postoperative opioid analgesic requirement was lesser in the laparoscopy group compared to open surgery group (22% vs 53%, respectively; p = 0.034). Intra- and post-operative complication rates were similar between the groups. Of these 48 patients, seven were diagnosed to have TOA following oocyte retrieval, and four of these conceived with frozen thawed embryo transfer all of whom underwent laparoscopic surgery within 48 hours of diagnosis. Conclusions: Minimal invasive surgery should be preferred even in the presence of severely adhesive and inflammatory TOA in order to improve postoperative outcomes. Moreover, early laparoscopic intervention may be considered in infertile patients with an aim to optimize pregnancy rates in a subsequent frozen-thawed embryo transfer

Religious politics, Islam, and the sustainability of secular democracy theory and evidence from Turkey : paper to be presented at the Annual Convention of the Middle East Studies Association of North America (MESA), November 16-20, 2007, Montreal, Canada

This is an extended and updated version of the papers presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Chicago, IL, August 30-September 2, 2007, and at the Annual Convention of the Association for the Study of Religion, Economics, and Culture (ASREC), November 2-4, 2007, Tampa, FLThe paper develops a series of theses regarding the relationship between Political Islam (PI) and secular democracy. Turkey is a crucial case because it could achieve liberal-democratic consolidation, even while under a government rooted in political Islamism, which would be unprecedented in societies where Islam is the culture of the majority. Political participation, economic participation, or secularist sanctions cannot by themselves lead to sustainable moderation of PI. The author makes a detailed examination of current causes and conditions, including those necessary for democratization

“Barış Süreci ve Kürt Meselesi’nde Kimlik ve Dış Politika: Riskler ve Fırsatlar,” (The Peace Process and Identiy and Foreign Policy in the Kurdish Question)

From a conceptual-theoretical as well as political perspective, this essay examines the interrelationships between the identity and foreign policy dimensions of Turkey’s Kurdish question and makes policy recommendations. Recent domestic and regional developments present both opportunities and great risks for Turkey’s social, political and territorial cohesion, peace and stability. In order to utilize the opportunities, Turkey needs to simultaneously achieve two goals. Domestically, it needs to successfully continue its present peace process and achieve genuine democratization. This process should culminate in a state of affairs whereby the complex social and political questions underlying the Kurdish question can be processed through the mechanisms of normal democratic politics and with the participation of legitimate Kurdish political actors. One crucial and insufficiently understood challenge the Turkish state and society have to manage during the peace process is the challenge of how to addressing the identity question, which is the formative basis of Turkey’s Kurdish question. This question consists of two separate but interrelated needs. The first is to address the Kurdish need and demands for ‘cultural-national’ recognition. The second is to address the need for a common national identity encompassing all ethnic-cultural groups, and to acknowledge that many Turks identify with Turkishness as such a common identity, which, they feel, should shape the state’s identity. These two challenges can only be met by introducing new and flexible categorizations to which people can feel belonging under different names. In foreign policy, Turkey should consolidate its improved relations with regional Kurds based on interdependence and its redline should be the emergence of a hostile Kurdish statehood in the region, not Kurdish self-rule per se. This, however, should be done without alienating Arabs by defending any particular status for Iraqi or Syrian Kurds. If Turkey fails in these endeavors, however, major destabilizing developments can occur whereby the identity and belonging perceptions of many Kurds as well as Turks can experience significant shifts

Moderate Islam and secularist opposition in Turkey : implications for the world, Muslims and secular democracy

This article analyses how government by a party rooted in moderate Islamism may affect Turkey’s peculiar secular democracy, development, and external relations, and how Muslims in the world relate to modernization and democracy. Arguing that secularism in advanced democracies may be a product of democracy as much as it is the other way around, the article maintains that democratic consolidation may secure further consolidation of Turkish secularism and sustainable moderation of Turkish political Islam. Democratic consolidation requires strong democratic/secularist political parties so that secularist and moderate Islamist civilian actors check and balance each other