O papel da AD-M-19 como força política alternativa na Constituição de 1991

This paper describes, from a historical perspective, the dynamics that took place between 1990 and 1991 during the National Constituent Assembly, with a particular emphasis on one of the most important political parties involved: the m-19 Democratic Alliance. This is relevant considering that it was a new political organization in the electoral scenery at that time, but received strong support from voters. This writing provides an outlook on both the members of this party, in particular, and the political organization, in general. The analysis gains importance when taking into account that the m-19 Democratic Alliance disappeared as a political organization years later. Despite this, its contribution to Colombian institutions remains until these days. The ideas presented below are the result of a research study based on interviews with key actors involved, as well as personal files of some members of the Democratic Alliance from that time.Este artículo busca describir, desde una perspectiva histórica, las dinámicas que tuvieron lugar entre 1990 y 1991 no solo en el desarrollo de la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente, sino especialmente en una de sus bancadas más importantes: la Alianza Democrática m-19. Esto resulta relevante, ya que esta organización política era nueva para la época en la arena electoral; a pesar de ello tuvo un respaldo electoral muy importante. Este escrito ofrece una mirada enfocada tanto en los miembros de la bancada, de forma particular, como de la organización política, de forma general. El análisis toma relevancia si se tiene en cuenta que en muy pocos años la Alianza Democrática m-19 desapareció como organización política; sin embargo, su aporte a la institucionalidad colombiana sigue vigente. Las ideas que se exponen a continuación son fruto de una investigación que se basó especialmente en entrevistas a los protagonistas implicados, así como archivos personales de algunos miembros de la Alianza Democrática de esa época.Neste artigo, busca-se descrever, de uma perspectiva histórica, as dinâmicas que aconteceram entre 1990 e 1991 não somente no desenvolvimento da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte, mas especialmente numa de suas bancadas mais importantes: a Aliança Democrática m-19. Isso resulta relevante, já que essa organização política era nova para a época na arena eleitoral; apesar disso, teve um apoio eleitoral muito importante. Neste texto, é oferecida uma visão focada tanto nos membros da bancada, de forma particular, quanto da organização política, de forma geral. A análise ganha relevância se for considerado que, em poucos anos, a Aliança Democrática m-19 desapareceu como organização política; contudo, sua contribuição para a institucionalidade colombiana continua vigente. As ideias que são expostas a seguir são fruto de uma pesquisa que foi baseada especialmente em entrevistas aos protagonistas envolvidos, bem como em arquivos pessoais de alguns membros da Aliança Democrática dessa época

Mortality from gastrointestinal congenital anomalies at 264 hospitals in 74 low-income, middle-income, and high-income countries: a multicentre, international, prospective cohort study

Summary Background Congenital anomalies are the fifth leading cause of mortality in children younger than 5 years globally. Many gastrointestinal congenital anomalies are fatal without timely access to neonatal surgical care, but few studies have been done on these conditions in low-income and middle-income countries (LMICs). We compared outcomes of the seven most common gastrointestinal congenital anomalies in low-income, middle-income, and high-income countries globally, and identified factors associated with mortality. Methods We did a multicentre, international prospective cohort study of patients younger than 16 years, presenting to hospital for the first time with oesophageal atresia, congenital diaphragmatic hernia, intestinal atresia, gastroschisis, exomphalos, anorectal malformation, and Hirschsprung’s disease. Recruitment was of consecutive patients for a minimum of 1 month between October, 2018, and April, 2019. We collected data on patient demographics, clinical status, interventions, and outcomes using the REDCap platform. Patients were followed up for 30 days after primary intervention, or 30 days after admission if they did not receive an intervention. The primary outcome was all-cause, in-hospital mortality for all conditions combined and each condition individually, stratified by country income status. We did a complete case analysis. Findings We included 3849 patients with 3975 study conditions (560 with oesophageal atresia, 448 with congenital diaphragmatic hernia, 681 with intestinal atresia, 453 with gastroschisis, 325 with exomphalos, 991 with anorectal malformation, and 517 with Hirschsprung’s disease) from 264 hospitals (89 in high-income countries, 166 in middleincome countries, and nine in low-income countries) in 74 countries. Of the 3849 patients, 2231 (58·0%) were male. Median gestational age at birth was 38 weeks (IQR 36–39) and median bodyweight at presentation was 2·8 kg (2·3–3·3). Mortality among all patients was 37 (39·8%) of 93 in low-income countries, 583 (20·4%) of 2860 in middle-income countries, and 50 (5·6%) of 896 in high-income countries (p<0·0001 between all country income groups). Gastroschisis had the greatest difference in mortality between country income strata (nine [90·0%] of ten in lowincome countries, 97 [31·9%] of 304 in middle-income countries, and two [1·4%] of 139 in high-income countries; p≤0·0001 between all country income groups). Factors significantly associated with higher mortality for all patients combined included country income status (low-income vs high-income countries, risk ratio 2·78 [95% CI 1·88–4·11], p<0·0001; middle-income vs high-income countries, 2·11 [1·59–2·79], p<0·0001), sepsis at presentation (1·20 [1·04–1·40], p=0·016), higher American Society of Anesthesiologists (ASA) score at primary intervention (ASA 4–5 vs ASA 1–2, 1·82 [1·40–2·35], p<0·0001; ASA 3 vs ASA 1–2, 1·58, [1·30–1·92], p<0·0001]), surgical safety checklist not used (1·39 [1·02–1·90], p=0·035), and ventilation or parenteral nutrition unavailable when needed (ventilation 1·96, [1·41–2·71], p=0·0001; parenteral nutrition 1·35, [1·05–1·74], p=0·018). Administration of parenteral nutrition (0·61, [0·47–0·79], p=0·0002) and use of a peripherally inserted central catheter (0·65 [0·50–0·86], p=0·0024) or percutaneous central line (0·69 [0·48–1·00], p=0·049) were associated with lower mortality. Interpretation Unacceptable differences in mortality exist for gastrointestinal congenital anomalies between lowincome, middle-income, and high-income countries. Improving access to quality neonatal surgical care in LMICs will be vital to achieve Sustainable Development Goal 3.2 of ending preventable deaths in neonates and children younger than 5 years by 2030

Relaciones cívico-militares en Colombia: supremacía y control de los partidos políticos sobre la organización militar

El sistema de partidos políticos en Colombia se presenta como una particularidad en América Latina. En una región en donde los militares tuvieron una gran presencia en la escena política, constatamos cómo en Colombia esta situación es más bien contraria. El objeto de este artículo es presentar el papel que desempeñan los partidos políticos en Colombia y cómo este afecta el desarrollo del Ejército y las Fuerzas Armadas en el país. Aparte de las explicaciones que reposan en la organización militar colombiana, son los partidos políticos la segunda razón para comprender por qué en Colombia los militares están tan ausentes del poder político. Son igualmente los partidos políticos los encargados de controlar la evolución y el desarrollo de las Fuerzas Armadas. Son los partidos políticos, en últimas, quienes impondrán una fuerte tutela sobre los militares a lo largo del siglo xx

Peace in crisis: notions, agreement and implementation

Paz en crisis es un proyecto editorial con el que se cierra un programa de investi gación de años atrás y en el que se condensan distintas aproximaciones sobre la paz; en esta oportunidad, bajo la lupa o noción de crisis. Los aportes se encuentran agrupados en 4 tomos, 44 capítulos y 6 bloques temáticos en donde 87 autores ofrecen perspectivas multidisciplinares y multidimensionales, pluralidad meto dológica y variedad en las maneras de hacer investigación y con estilos de escritura diferenciados. Los tomos, en su conjunto, presentan reflexiones diversas sobre las antiguas, múltiples y nuevas conflictividades (tanto armadas como no armadas), así como de los diferentes actores (heredados, emergentes y transformados), en el escenario de lo que ha venido refiriéndose por algunos especialistas como una situación de posacuerdo bélico en Colombia. Este primer tomo, titulado Nociones, acuerdo e implementación (compuesto por trece capítulos y un epílogo), analiza la situación actual de la paz, la democra cia, la seguridad y el ejercicio de los derechos en Colombia, demostrando que lejos de las aspiraciones de estabilización y avance contenidas en los acuerdos, es una renovada y multimodal conflictividad la que define el contexto nacional. En este tomo se apunta a debatir nociones conceptuales y aproximaciones a proble máticas particulares, que resultan relevantes en el marco contextual de crisis que atraviesa la implementación de los acuerdos de paz alcanzados en La Habana. La polarización originada en todos los escenarios de la vida política y social del país como consecuencia del apoyo o rechazo al proceso de paz y sus mecanismos de implementación, ha puesto de manifiesto una profunda crisis de los consensos necesarios, ya no solo para la puesta en marcha de lo acordado en el proceso de paz, sino también de los fundamentos de cohesión que deben hacerse presentes en la elaboración de cualquier proyecto de construcción social amplio, incluyente y sostenible.Peace in crisis is an editorial project that closes a research program gation from years ago and in which different approaches are condensed on the peace; on this occasion, under the magnifying glass or notion of crisis. The contributions are found grouped in 4 volumes, 44 chapters and 6 thematic blocks where 87 authors offer multidisciplinary and multidimensional perspectives, meta plurality dology and variety in the ways of doing research and writing styles differentiated. The volumes, as a whole, present diverse reflections on the ancient, multiple and new conflicts (both armed and unarmed), as well as the different actors (inherited, emerging and transformed), on the stage of what has been referred to by some specialists as a situation of post-war agreement in Colombia. This first volume, entitled Notions, agreement and implementation (composed or thirteen chapters and an epilogue), analyzes the current situation of peace, democracy cia, security and the exercise of rights in Colombia, demonstrating that far from the aspirations of stabilization and progress contained in the agreements, it is a renewed and multimodal conflictivity that defines the national context. In This volume aims to debate conceptual notions and approaches to problems. particular themes, which are relevant in the contextual framework of crisis that is going through the implementation of the peace agreements reached in Havana. The polarization originating in all scenarios of the country's political and social life as a consequence of the support or rejection of the peace process and its mechanisms of implementation, has revealed a deep crisis of consensus necessary, not only for the implementation of what was agreed in the process of peace, but also of the foundations of cohesion that must be present in the development of any broad, inclusive and social construction project sustainable peace, but also of the foundations of cohesion that must be present in the development of any broad, inclusive and social construction project sustainable.Bogot