Vladimir Putin i analiza uloge ličnosti lidera u formiranju i sprovođenju državne politike u savremenoj Rusiji - ocene i kritike Putinovog režima

After the collapse of the Soviet state, during the last decades of the 21st century, Russia found itself in the system crisis in cataclysmic measures that threatened to disintegrate this once powerful state. Political and economic power was significantly displaced outside the institutions of the system in the hands of oligarchs and regional governors, which threaten to disintegrate the federal system and problems in the economic, social, demographic and military sphere shook the foundations of the Russian state. On the international stage, Russia's influence was marginalized. All the elements of its hard and soft power were reduced. Russia has lost the attributes of a superpower and the leader of the former socialist camp was reduced to the level of a regional power. With the arrival of Vladimir Putin as the President of the RF in 2000 began a new phase in the development of post-Soviet Russia. Initiated extensive internal political, economic and social reforms, as well as changes in foreign and security policy, resulted in a gradual recovery and consolidation of the Russian state and society. An essential feature of political life in Russia is the personalization of the power and the institution of the President of the RF, which largely depends on the personality of the president and his inner circle. This distinction is rooted in the political tradition and culture, and the imperial legacy. Some Western authors state that the tradition of the autocratic rule is in the heart of Russian political culture, while Russian authors believe that a strong central government, embodied in the institution of the head of state in modern Russia is a necessity in the initial phase of democratization and social transition. From the beginning, Putin has sought to pour "people from their inner circle" "into all levels of government and spheres that generate social and political power." This profiled the structure of Putin's regime, which is a very active process of permanent change of position, role and importance of individual personalities, as well as their "migration" from one sphere of government to another. In the process, the overall fluctuations of high-ranking politicians, divided into clans and influential groups (the so-called siloviki, technocrats and liberals), Putin is the "headquarters" of the entire regime. Estimates of the regime of Russian President V. Putin, his personality, as well as a trail that is left in modern history, are more polarized and controversial than estimates of many other figures of Russia, and even global politics. However, the importance that Putin has for Russia and its position and role in the XXI century is undeniable, as well as his controversial planetary authority, or his global popularity. Putin is one of the most influential politicians in the world and the authors' opinions of him are so divided, conflicting, contradictory and "ideologically colored" that any attempt of his generalization represents an endeavor foredoomed to failure. The amplitude of reactions is ranging from awe and glorification, to protest and scorn. It is undisputed that he is a charismatic, pragmatic and capable statesman. It is also an indisputable fact that the implementation of his policy has the outright support of the Russian people. Critics of Putin's regime as its main characteristic state the rigidity of the government, inflexibility, lack of transparency, bureaucratic domination of political and economic elites, instability in the sense of being based on the personality of the President and not on the balance of institutions.Nakon raspada sovjetske države Rusija se našla u sistemskoj krizi koja je pretila da dezintegriše nekada moćnu državu. Politička i ekonomska moć bila je u značajnoj meri izmeštena van institucija sistema, u ruke oligarha i regionalnih gubernatora. Problemi u ekonomskoj, socijalnoj, demografskoj i vojnoj sferi potresali su temelje ruske države. Na međunarodnoj sceni, uticaj Rusije bio je marginalizovan. Svi elementi njene tvrde i meke moći, bili su umanjeni. Rusija je izgubila atribute supersile i nekadašnja predvodnica socijalističkog lagera svedena je na nivo regionalne sile. Dolaskom Vladimira Putina na mesto predsednika RF 2000. godine, počela je nova faza u razvoju postsovjetske Rusije. Pokrenute su opsežne unutrašnje političke, ekonomske i socijalne reforme, kao i promene u spoljnoj i bezbednosnoj politici, što je rezultiralo postepenim oporavkom i konsolidacijom ruske države i društva. Jedna od suštinskih odlika političkog života Rusije jeste personalizacija vlasti, odnosno institucije Predsednika RF, koja u velikoj meri zavisi od ličnosti samog predsednika i njegovog najbližeg okruženja. Ova odlika ukorenjena je u političkoj tradiciji i kulturi, odnosno u imperijalnom nasleđu. Pojedini zapadni autori navode da je tradicija autokratskog vladanja u srži ruske političke kulture, dok ruski autori smatraju da snažna centralna vlast, oličena u instituciji predsednika države, u savremenoj Rusiji predstavlja nužnost u početnoj fazi demokratizacije i tranzicije društva. Putin je od početka nastojao da "ljude iz svog najbližeg okruženja "razlije" u sve nivoe vlasti i sfere koje generišu društvenu i političku moć". Time se profilisala struktura Putinovog režima u kojoj je veoma aktivan proces permanentne smene pozicija, uloga i značaja pojedinih ličnosti, kao i njihovo "seljenje" iz jedne sfere vlasti u drugu. U celokupnom tom procesu fluktacije visoko-pozicioniranih političara, svrstanih u uticajne grupe i klanove (tzv. siloviki, tehnokrate i liberali), Putin ima ulogu "stožera" celokupnog režima. Ocene o režimu ruskog predsednika V. Putina, njegovoj ličnosti, kao i tragu koji je ostavio u modernoj istoriji, polarizovanije su i kontroverznije nego ocene o mnogim drugim ličnostima ruske, pa i globalne politike. Međutim, značaj koji Putin ima za Rusiju i njenu poziciju i ulogu u XXI veku, nesporan je, kao što nisu sporni ni njegov planetarni autoritet, ni njegova globalna popularnost. Putin je jedan od najuticajnijih političara na svetu, ali su mišljenja autora u vezi sa njim toliko podeljena, oprečna, suprotstavljena i "ideološki obojena", da bi svaki pokušaj njihove generalizacije predstavljao poduhvat unapred osuđen na neuspeh. Amplitude reakcija kreću se od glorifikacije i divljenja, do osporavanja i nipodaštavanja. Nesporno je da je reč o harizmatičnom, pragmatičnom i sposobnom državniku, kao što je nesporna i činjenica da za sprovođenje svoje politike ima natpolovičnu podršku ruskog naroda. Kritičari Putinovog režima kao njegove osnovne odlike navode rigidnost vlasti, nefleksibilnost, netransparentnost, birokratizovanost, dominaciju političko- ekonomskih elita, nestabilnost u smislu zasnovanosti na ličnosti predsednika, a ne na balansu institucija

'Posthladnoratovske' promene bezbednosnih i strateških koncepcija Ruske Federacije

In the last twenty years the world has undergone serious changes, unfortunately not in positive direction. The collapse of the bipolar system and the establishment of one bloc hegemony - NATO headed by the USA, has not only failed to establish more stable and secure international relations, but, on the contrary, it has corresponded with the greatest insecurity and uncertainty of the mankind ever since World War II till the present day. After the 'counter-balance' disappeared, there has been open political, economic, even direct military, interference by the Alliance states in the sovereignty of many countries. Consequently, the world's conflicting potential has largely increased. Apart from the threats present from earlier, the contemporary world is faced with a series of new, formerly unknown or marginal, ones. The most notable among them are: uncontrolled escalation of armed conflicts; international terrorism; proliferation of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction; expansion of drugs trafficking; illegal cross-border migrations; human trafficking and trafficking in human organs; piracy; criminalization of different areas of living; etc. The economic and financial crises have additionally warned the world of the limitedness of natural resources and, in the most serious form, posed the issue of the fight for preservation, or conquest of areas rich in raw minerals. Apart from the current courses of action in the fight for control over the natural resources, both new methods of action and new areas of contest are emerging (Arctic, Antarctic ...; above and under the Earth's surface; on the sea, and under the sea bottom), over which the interests of great powers will be increasingly conflicting. Michael Klare, the author of well-known books 'Blood and Oil' and 'Resource Wars', convincingly evokes a growing hunger for resources by the picturesque title of his latest book 'Race for What's Left: Global Scramble for the World's Last Resources'. For success in this new competition in strength and skills, new strategic concepts are required. Some have already been created and preliminarily tested; others are being prepared for implementation and corrected 'on the go' based on the performance of already proved solutions; still others are being hurriedly shaped. Understandably, along with this, what actual and potential rivals do related to this, or what their activities suggest, is watched closely.Za poslednjih 20 godina svet se ozbiljno promenio i to, nažalost, ne u pozitivnom smeru. Rušenje bipolarnog sistema i uspostavljanje hegemonije jednog bloka - NATO na čelu sa SAD, ne samo da nije dovelo do uspostavljanja stabilnijih i bezbednijih međunarodnih odnosa, već je naprotiv, korespondiralo sa najvećom nesigurnošću i neizvesnošću ljudskog roda od vremena Drugog svetskog rata do danas. Posle nestanka 'kontrabalansa', došlo je do otvorenog političkog, ekonomskog, pa i direktnog vojnog mešanja zemalja Alijanse u suverenitet mnogih zemalja. Kao rezultat ovakvog stanja, konfliktni potencijal u svetu znatno se povećao. Pored od ranije prisutnih pretnji, savremeni svet suočava se sa nizom novih, nekada nepoznatim ili marginalnim. Među njima su najznačajnije: nekontrolisana eskalacija oružanih konflikata; međunarodni terorizam; rasprostiranje atomskog i drugog naoružanja za masovno uništavanje; bujanje trgovine narkoticima; nelegalne preko-granične migracije; trgovina ljudima i ljudskim organima; piratstvo; kriminalizacija različitih sfera života itd. Ekonomska i finansijska kriza dodatno su opomenule svet na limitiranost prirodnih resursa i, u najozbiljnijoj formi, postavile problem borbe za očuvanje, odnosno osvajanje prostora bogatih sirovinama. U borbi za kontrolu nad prirodnim resursima, pored dosadašnjih, pojavljuju se, kako nove metode delovanja, tako i nova područja nadmetanja (Arktik, Antarktik, ...; na zemlji i ispod zemljine površine; na moru i ispod morskog dna), oko kojih će se u narednom periodu sve otvorenije sukobljavati interesi vodećih svetskih sila. Narastajuću glad za resursima, Majk Kler (Michael Klare), autor dobro poznatih dela 'Krv i nafta' (Blood and Oil) i 'Ratovi zbor resursa' (Resource Wars), uverljivo dočarava slikovitim nazivom svoje najnovije knjige 'Trka za onim što je preostalo' (Race for what's Left: Global Scramble for the World's Last Resources). Za uspešnost u tom novom odmeravanju snaga i umešnosti neophodni su novi strategijski koncepti. Neki su već kreirani i preliminarno testirani; drugi se pripremaju za implementaciju i u 'hodu' koriguju na osnovu učinka već oprobanih rešenja; treći se ubrzano formiraju. Pri tome se, razumljivo, pomno prati ono što u vezi s tim čine, odnosno što svojim delovanjem nagoveštavaju aktuelni i potencijalni rivali

Immigration policy in European Union - between the liberal and restrictive concept

Тема докторске дисертације су имиграционе политике у Европској унији. Предмет истраживања настоји да истражи имиграционе политике у Европској унији између либералног и рестриктивног концепта. Полазна хипотеза у истраживању је да у Европској унији има онолико имиграционих политика колико има држава чланица (уз имиграциону политику бриселске администрације), те да се све имиграционе политике протежу на идеално-типски постављеној скали између либералног и рестриктивног концепта. Дисертација је читав теоријско-методолошки оквир поставила у пет великих посебних хипотеза које треба да верификују полазни хипотетички оквир: демографија, култура/идентитет, економија, социјална политика и сигурност (безбедност). У методолошком смислу биће обављена трострука верификација општег хипотетичког оквира: теоријско-сазнајна, емпиријска и студија случаја (за Европску унију као целину или ентитет-по-себи, и за СР Немачку и Мађарску). У дисертацији ће бити коришћен читав сплет научних метода: из друштвених наука (посматрање, анализа садржаја, метод идеалних типова, развојни метод, упоредни...), политиколошки приступи (институционални, реал-политички), правне технике (догматско-нормативистички приступ, циљно тумачење, статичко тумачење), логичка закључивања (индукција, дедукција, дијалектички приступ). У просторном смислу истраживање захвата 28 држава чланица Европске уније, као и Европску унију као целину (политику бриселске администрације). У временском оквиру истраживање се усредсређује на период од настанка велике мигрантске кризе 2011. године до данас, са значајном анализом развоја миграцијских феномена у европским земљама од Другог светског рата до данас. Актуелност теме, последице које масовне миграције изазивају у усељеничким друштвима, сложеност новонасталих политичких односа унутар саме Европске уније (између Брисела и држава чланица, као и између самих чланица) указују на оправданост теме и њен друштвени значај. Научни домашај истраживања огледао би се у: анализи дејства миграцијског феномена на политичке односе у Европи; истраживању последица које ово дејство изазива; доношењу закључака, предвидивости токова и нуђењу предлога мера како би се пружио одговор на ово проблемско питање. Циљ истраживања је: да докаже постојање различитих имиграционих политика у Европској унији; да ове политике прикаже и изанализира; да утврди ефекте деловања миграција на државе чланице, Европску унију као целину и државе-кандидате; да утврди параметре утицаја на имиграциону политику; да изнесе закључке, предвиђања и понуди решења овог проблемаThe topic of the doctoral dissertation is immigration policies in the European Union. The subject of the research seeks to explore immigration policies in the European Union between a liberal and a restrictive concept. The starting hypothesis of the study is that there are as many immigration policies in the European Union as there are Member States (+ Brussels administration immigration policy), and that all immigration policies extend on an ideally-typed scale between liberal and restrictive concepts. The dissertation has set the completely theoretical and methodological framework into five big specific hypotheses that should verify the starting hypothetical framework: demography, culture / identity, economy, social policy and security (safeness). In a methodological sense, a threefold verification of the General Hypothetical Framework will be carried out: Theoretical - Cognitive, Empirical and Case Study (for the European Union as a whole or entity-by-itself and for the Federal Republic of Germany and Hungary). The dissertation will use the whole set of scientific methods: from social sciences (observation, content analysis, ideal types method, development method, comparative...), political science approaches (institutional, real political), legal techniques (dogmatic - normativistic approach, goal interpretation, static interpretation), logical reasoning (induction, deduction, dialectical approach). In spatial terms, the survey covers 28 Member States of the European Union, as well as the European Union as a whole (Brussels administration policy). Within the timeframe, the research focuses on the period from the onset of the Great Migrant Crisis in 2011 to the present, with a significant analysis of the evolution of migration phenomena in European countries from World War II to the present. Actuality of the topic, the consequences of mass migration in immigrant societies, the complexity of emerging political relations within the European Union itself (between Brussels and the Member States, and between the Member States) indicate the justification of the topic and its social importance. The scientific reach of the research would be reflected in an analysis of the impact of the migration phenomenon on political relations in Europe; investigating the consequences of this action; making conclusions, predictability of flows and proposing measures to answer the problematic question. The aim of the research is to prove the existence of different immigration policies in the European Union; to present and analyze these policies; to determine the effects of migration on Member States, the European Union as a whole and candidate countries; to determine the parameters of the impact on immigration policy; to draw conclusions, predictions and offer solutions to solve the proble

Theoretical aspects of the research to the capacity of the security system from the symbolic approaches

The Symbolic Approach to Security System Reform (SSR Symbolic Policy Capacity Building) is a set of ideas and concepts that sends a clear message to the environment that Serbia has broken with authoritarian regimes and their corresponding security systems of the past. As an illustration of the epochal meaning of this approach, the laborious and, based on the latest events, largely incomplete reform of the security services in Pakistan can be used. One of the tasks of social science is making a global assessment on the situation of Human Security. The United Nations has to address it, but our nation needs a serious reconsideration of Common Values (the general security values to be protected) and Public Interest (so - called policy of persecution). Why? Because the interest of the citizens is generally neglected by the bureaucracy by prioritizing the interests of various collectives from the state itself to the interest groups, political parties across the country (that same bureaucracy). Concept of the Economic Security is weak (although the most important, including freedom of the market, environment protection, protection of consumers etc.) because we have no long-term Development Strategy, which would be the basis of good Security Culture. If we consistently consider a system and security as such, we note that something is missing in the list of protected property, as priorities, the lack of protection of certain human rights in the corpus iuris of Human Rights (specifically the right to equal access of citizens to private property and private enterprise). But if you believe in such a generally accepted definition of protected resources, and just think of the national economy and finance, from this we can conclude that certain political parties, when they were in power, made decisions that were detrimental to national security with impunity

Sovereignty in Islam: A reflection of tradition and contemporariness in modern political systems

Sovereignty in Islam means hakemia in Arabic and it is related to a holder of supreme power in a society, called hakem. In Islamic political and legal theory, a holder of sovereignty is God. God is a holder of supreme power, and above all, a legislator. Thus, in Islamic countries, a secular concept of a state regulation and having nation as a holder of sovereignty, man's rights and freedom of political organization is unacceptable. Moreover, when there is such a regulation in legal and political acts, it contains the previous fact that the sovereignty holder is God, and a nation's sovereignty is limited. Despite numerous changes that have happened in Islamic world during history, this view and understanding of sovereignty has not changed. Until recently, Islamic countries have not had any laws except those regulated by religious authorities. Even when the leaders used their power to proclaim regulations of a laic character, they had to give religious legitimacy to those regulations, and God has been and still is the only holder of sovereignty. Having showed how traditional Islam has treated sovereignty, the aim of the authors is to show how it is treated today. In fact, the autors' intention is to examine whether the idea of God's sovereignty is still present. As previously said, in essence, nothing has changed. Or more precisely, the theory on God as an exclusive sovereignty holder has not changed in almost the entire Islamic world. However, something else has been done, and it is contained in the fact that this view has been wrapped in contemporariness. The paper analyses the issue of sovereignty in Islam through two approaches: the first approach represents a thesis on unity of religion and politics in Islam, while the second one deals with the analyses of political praxis of Islamic states. On the basis of the analyses of Constitutional texts and practice, it is possible to divide Islamic states into three groups. The first group is the one where, by the Constitution, is clearly determined that God is a sovereignty holder; the second one, where a nation or a state has been determined as sovereignty, either as independent holders of sovereignty or in a community with its leader. The third group of states is the one that determines its sovereignty and holder in a similar way as it has been done in Europe and America. According to the Constitutional provision of these states on Islam as a state religion, conclusions on sovereignty of nations and borders have been drawn

Uloga ekonomske diplomatije u suočavanju Srbije sa izazovima ekonomske bezbednosti

Očuvanje globalne bezbednosti zahteva preventivno otklanjanje svih rizika koji mogu dovesti do kriza i ratova u svetu, a posebno onih ekonomske prirode. Na ekonomskom, kao i na političkom i strategijskom planu u svetskim razmerama, danas su u igri veliki ulozi i interesi zemalja. Stoga je uloga ekonomske diplomatije i ekonomskih predstavnika sve više usmerena na promociju i zaštitu nacionalnih interesa, odnosno na dostavljanje informacija i pomoć nacionalnoj ekonomiji u osvajanju svetskog tržišta ili odnošenju pobede u sučeljavanju sa konkurencijom. Kompleksnost istorijskog trenutka i veoma nepovoljna ekonomska situacija u kojoj se nalazi naša zemlja nameće potrebu za razvijanjem profesionalne i kvalitetne ekonomske diplomatije, kako bi se u uslovima pojačane međuzavisnosti sa visoko razvijenim zemljama ostvarilo snažnije ubrzanje razvoja, i to pre svega u ekonomskoj sferi

Migration management – the cases of Germany and Hungary

The authors of the paper deal with immigration policies, migration management, migration management policy via case study based on the example of two purposefully chosen countries which have diametrically opposite immigration policies. The aim is to see up to which extent and whether these countries are interested into integrating immigrants into their social, legal, political and cultura lspace, through their institutional capacities, by the means of comparative analysis of German and Hungarian immigration policies, their social, demographic and economic structure, and their cultural and security policies. By defining concepts of migration, immigration, integration, immigration policy, migration management, immigration border management, the authors precisely pinpoint the differences, and the causes of those differences, in the policies towards migrants in these two countries

Analysis of geometrical characteristics of pulsed nd:yag laser drilled holes in superalloy nimonic 263 sheets

Owing to their excellent mechanical and physical characteristics, superalloys are the most suitable material for use in hot sections of aircraft engines. Thousands of holes need to be drilled in constructive parts of machines, with laser technique emerging as the most effective. Laser drilling has been used to produce small diameter, accurately positioned holes, with little damage in regions around them, and in various materials. Effective laser employment of drilling of high quality holes for critical applications highly depends on correct selection and optimization of laser drilling parameters. In this work, the holes were drilled by a pulsed Nd(3+):YAG laser, with maximum average power of 160 W, in superalloy Nimonic 263 sheets, thickness 0,7 mm and 1,2 mm. The holes were observed by optical and scanning electron microscope. Geometrical characteristics of laser drilled holes that depend on laser parameters were investigated and analysed. The aim of this investigation was to find optimal laser parameters which would produce as much as possible regular holes

Frequency and approaches in treatment of fractured condylar processes in population of South East Serbia for the period from 2011 to 2017

Introduction: The condyloid process or condylar process (processus condylaris) is the second, more posterior process on the mandible, which takes part in the formation of the temporomandibular joint. Fractures of the condyloid process constitute 25% to 35% of all fractures of the mandible. They rarely occur isolated, whereas they are more often associated with fractures of other localizations on the mandible. Aim: This paper aims at determining the frequency of the fracture of the condyloid process of the mandible in relation to fractures of other localizations; the mechanisms of injury occurrence; as well as the representation of individual surgical procedures within the treatment. Material and Methods: The data obtained from the medical documentation of the Department for Maxillofacial Surgery, the Dentistry Clinic of Niš were analyzed using clinical retrospective study in the period from January 2011 to December 2017. Results: The analysis of the medical documentation established that 343 patients having mandible fractures were treated at the Dentistry Clinic of Niš, at the Maxillofacial Surgery Department in the aforementioned period, out of which 85 patients had a fracture of the condyle and were treated with surgery, while 13 were treated conservatively. Conclusion: It was stated that the mandible fracture most frequently lead to the occurrence of fracture of its condyloid process. Most frequently it occurs with men at the age of 21 - 40 as the consequence of physical violence

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN TECHNICAL AND TACTICAL ELEMENTS OF DIRECT POINTS WITH REGARD TO THE QUALIFICATIONS FOR THE 2018 VOLLEYBALL WOMEN’S WORLD CHAMPIONSHIP

The goal of this paper is to analyse the relationships and differences among volleyball teams, participants of the 2018 World Cup in Japan, divided into three categories by their final standings (1st to 4th place, 5th to 8th place and others), based on the elements of situation-based efficiency. For the purposes of this paper, information from the official match reports (p 2 report) related to the way of winning points in the match was used, and these data were analysed using the program Volleyball Information System (VIS). The data obtained were analysed in relation to the team category and the outcome of the match. The data were obtained using descriptive and comparative statistical procedures. The survey sample includes all the women’s volleyball championship games played in Japan in 2018. Based on the final standings, the teams were divided into three groups: 1) the teams who reached the 3rd stage of the tournament (6 teams, from 1st to 6th place); 2) the teams that finished the competition in phase 2 (10 national teams, ranking 7th to 16th); 3) national teams that finished the competition in phase 1 (8 national teams, ranking 17th to 24th). The results obtained indicate that the teams had an equally good performance of the block and serve game elements; statistically these were not significant for the match outcome, but they rather serve as an aid for the overall game and for the final outcome of the match. The results of this research also highlight the spike as the key element affecting the positive end result of the match. It is important to emphasize that the opponent errors are a factor that depends exclusively on the opponent, but they also determine the overall score of the winning team