Editoria Note

The CASEE Network, funded in 2010, is aimed to support the development and implementation of the EU Strategy for the Danube region by strengthening research, education and University development within the region. In this context, the annual CASEE conferences bring together Central and South Eastern European Higher Education institutions relating to the Life Science disciplines. Rural areas in Europe and specifically the Danube region are more and more under pressure. The rural areas urgently need economic chances for development. One of the opportunities could be the implementation of the bio-based economy. Driven by scientific and educational challenges, we aimed at discussing the potentials and options of biomass and food production in the Danube region, seeking for new concepts and technologies, knowing that agricultural intensification alone cannot be the solution. Preserving soil and water resources and their sustainable use is one of the great challenges when increasing biomass production. The 4th Conference “Food and Biomass Production – Basis for a Sustainable Rural Development” was held in Zagreb at the University of Zagreb, organized by Faculty of Agriculture and Faculty of Forestry, Croatia, 1-3 July 2013. It was a great pleasure to host our dear colleagues and friends in the occasion of Croatia’s entry into the European Union and hereby we give thanks for their support again. The conference program consisted of four main workshops focused on the issues of soil protection and the Danube perspectives, food and biomass production as a challenge and chance for rural development, agriculture, water use and protection in the Danube region, and last but not least, education. As much as 130 participants from 11 countries attended the conference and 64 lectures were presented. The main idea of the network is to develop contacts among young scientists, and thereby spread knowledge, experience and friendliness within the region. Organizing and Scientific committees wish to express cordial gratitude to everyone that participated in the program with oral or poster presentations. Our sincere gratitude is expressed to the reviewers for time and effort devoted in the manuscripts that are published in this special issue of Agriculturae Conspectus Scientificus. Finally, special thanks must go to all members of the CASEE team for their enthusiasm and support of the network activities, and particularly to Martin Gerzabek, the president of the CASEE Network for his engagement and support. Davor ROMIĆ Guest editor and Chairman of Organizing Committee Milan MESIĆ Guest editor and Chairman of Scientifi c Committe

Editoria Note

The CASEE Network, funded in 2010, is aimed to support the development and implementation of the EU Strategy for the Danube region by strengthening research, education and University development within the region. In this context, the annual CASEE conferences bring together Central and South Eastern European Higher Education institutions relating to the Life Science disciplines. Rural areas in Europe and specifically the Danube region are more and more under pressure. The rural areas urgently need economic chances for development. One of the opportunities could be the implementation of the bio-based economy. Driven by scientific and educational challenges, we aimed at discussing the potentials and options of biomass and food production in the Danube region, seeking for new concepts and technologies, knowing that agricultural intensification alone cannot be the solution. Preserving soil and water resources and their sustainable use is one of the great challenges when increasing biomass production. The 4th Conference “Food and Biomass Production – Basis for a Sustainable Rural Development” was held in Zagreb at the University of Zagreb, organized by Faculty of Agriculture and Faculty of Forestry, Croatia, 1-3 July 2013. It was a great pleasure to host our dear colleagues and friends in the occasion of Croatia’s entry into the European Union and hereby we give thanks for their support again. The conference program consisted of four main workshops focused on the issues of soil protection and the Danube perspectives, food and biomass production as a challenge and chance for rural development, agriculture, water use and protection in the Danube region, and last but not least, education. As much as 130 participants from 11 countries attended the conference and 64 lectures were presented. The main idea of the network is to develop contacts among young scientists, and thereby spread knowledge, experience and friendliness within the region. Organizing and Scientific committees wish to express cordial gratitude to everyone that participated in the program with oral or poster presentations. Our sincere gratitude is expressed to the reviewers for time and effort devoted in the manuscripts that are published in this special issue of Agriculturae Conspectus Scientificus. Finally, special thanks must go to all members of the CASEE team for their enthusiasm and support of the network activities, and particularly to Martin Gerzabek, the president of the CASEE Network for his engagement and support. Davor ROMIĆ Guest editor and Chairman of Organizing Committee Milan MESIĆ Guest editor and Chairman of Scientifi c Committe

PREGLED SOFTVERSKIH APLIKACIJA ZA POLJOPRIVREDNU PROIZVODNJU U HRVATSKOJ

The application of mobile devices (smartphones, tablets, etc.) to the agriculture sector has been greatly increased in the last decade. The ICT technologies have become an essential part of any business. Using Internet on mobile devices can prove to be essential in agriculture production. A new generation of mobile devices are lower in price and more user-friendly. This paper provides an overview of software applications that are created in Croatia and are mostly in the Croatian language. They are divided into groups of agriculture related applications; agriculture management information apps; agriculture information resource apps; agriculture calculator apps; agriculture news apps, weather apps. The research shows the agri-apps are still in its infancy and we can say that it reflects the state of agriculture in Croatia. Apps are a promising solution for farmers enabling them quick and trustworthy access to information. At the moment, further analyses are needed for scientific proof and improvement of a product.Primjena mobilnih uređaja (smartphona, tableta, itd.) u sektoru poljoprivrede se uvelike povećala u posljednjih deset godina. Informacijskokomunikacijske tehnologije (ICT) su postale važan dio u svakom poslu.Korištenje Interneta na mobilnim uređajima može se pokazati kao ključno u donošenju odluka u poljoprivrednoj proizvodnji. Nova generacija mobilnih uređaja postiže niže cijene i više je "user-friendly". U radu se daje pregled softverskih aplikacija na hrvatskom jeziku načinjenih u Hrvatskoj. One su podijeljene u skupine poljoprivrednih aplikacija; aplikacije za upravljanje poljoprivrednom proizvodnjom; aplikacije za dokumentiranje u poljoprivredi; aplikacije za poljoprivredne kalkulacije; vijesti iz poljoprivrede; vremenske prognoze; informacije iz državnih poljoprivrednih institucija. Istraživanje pokazuje da su poljoprivredne aplikacije još uvijek u povojima i možemo reći da one odražavaju stanje poljoprivrede u Hrvatskoj. Aplikacije su obećavajuće rješenje za poljoprivrednike omogućujući im brz i pouzdan pristup informacijama. U ovom trenutku, potrebne su daljnje analize kako bi se znanstveno dokazala pouzdanost dostupnih aplikacij

American Migration Controversies

SAD su bile i ostale najvažnijom imigracijskom zemljom svijeta. Zadnja četvrtina 20. stoljeća obilježena je novim masovnim imigracijskim valom, koji se prema apsolutnom godišnjem imigracijskom priljevu može mjeriti s vrhuncima prethodnog vala na prijelomu stoljeća. Recentna migracija razlikuje se, međutim, od tradicionalne po još većoj etničkoj, vjerskoj i kulturnoj raznovrsnosti pridošlica. Izrazita većina današnjih useljenika, legalnih i ilegalnih, dolazi iz latinskoameričkih i azijskih zemalja, dočim je europsko useljeništvo marginalizirano. Masovnost i neeuropski sastav imigranata izazvao je žestoku kritiku vladine imigracijske politike od strane protivnika (tekuće) imigracije. Politički blok njezinih zagovornika još je, međutim, snažan, tako da se žestoke rasprave za imigraciju i protiv nastavljaju, i teško se na ulasku u novo stoljeće može očekivati nacionalni konsenzus o daljnjoj imigracijskoj strategiji. Mnogi smatraju da je imigracijsko pitanje, uz multikulturalizam, jedna od ključnih tema u Americi nakon završetka »hladnog rata«. Aktualne imigracijske rasprave uključuju neka ključna pitanja američkoga socijalnog i ekonomskog razvitka, kao i pitanje kulturnoga i nacionalnog identiteta. Da bi čitatelj koji nije dobro upućen u kontekst aktualnih rasprava o suvremenoj imigraciji u Ameriku, mogao bolje pratiti i razumjeti pojedine njihove aspekte, prvo se sustavno prikazuju temeljne značajke suvremenih američkih imigracijskih tokova. Slijede poglavlja u kojima se kritički raspravlja o ekonomskim, demografskim, ekološkim i kulturnim pitanjima imigracije. Na kraju se razmatraju problemi imigracijske politike koji na neki način zaokružuju raspravu i dovode autora do određenih zaključaka.The USA has been and has remained the world\u27s most important immigration country. The last quarter of the 20th century has been marked by a new mass immigration wave that in absolute size of the immigration flow can be compared to the highest flows in the previous century. This recent migration, however, differs from traditional immigration to America in that it includes a greater ethnic, religious and cultural diversity. The vast majority of today\u27s immigrants, both legal and clandestine, come from Latin American countries, whereas immigration from Europe is now negligible. The massiveness and non-European composition of the immigrants has provoked sharp criticism of the government\u27s immigration policy by opponents of (current) immigration. Nevertheless the political block that supports immigration is strong, so that heated debates for and against immigration continue and a consensus on the question of further immigration strategy can be expected only within the upcoming century. Many feel that the immigration question, along with multiculturalism, is a key theme in America after the end of the "Cold War". The present immigration debates include key questions relating to American social and economic development, as well as the question of cultural and national identity. In order to give readers, less acquainted with current debates on modern immigration in America, the possibility to better follow and understand their present aspects, the author first systematically reviews the basic characteristics of modern immigration flows to America. The following chapters of the article give a critical discussion on the economic, demographic, ecological and cultural questions of immigration. Finally, the author treats the problems of immigration policy, which, in a way, rounds out the discussion and brings him to certain conclusions

European Standards of Minority Protection and the Status of Minorities in Croatia

Do nedavno je u političkoj teoriji i javnom mnijenju postojalo gotovo općeprihvaćeno gledište, da se liberalizam u načelu protivi kolektivnoj pravnoj zaštiti manjina. Nakon Drugog svjetskog rata liberalna je teorija pretpostavljala da se sva pitanja demokratske konstitucije društva i društvene pravde mogu riješiti razvitkom univerzalnih građanskih i ljudskih prava. Osim toga, smatralo se da već postoji povijesni uzor po kome se život kulturno različitih grupa štiti posredno osiguranjem jednakosti njihovih članova pred zakonom. Riječ je o modelu vjerske tolerancije, odnosno političkim razdvajanjem crkve od države. S toga stajališta, etnička pripadnost, poput vjerske, nešto je što ljudi trebaju biti slobodni iskazati u svojem privatnom životu, ali to nije stvar državne brige. Etnički neutralna država ne može priznati posebna kolektivna prava manjinama. U novije vrijeme, međutim, javljaju se (liberalni) teoretičari koji uvjerljivo dokazuju da je ideja o etnokulturnoj neutralnosti naprosto mit. Oni tvrde da su ljudi ukopani u svoju kulturu, i da je stoga poštivanje nečije (nacionalne) kulture važno za njegov ili njezin osjećaj digniteta i samopoštivanja. Pomak u liberalnoj teoriji socijalne pravde, te slom socijalizma u Istočnoj Europi, uz zastrašujuće etničke sukobe, naveli su utjecajne zapadne organizacije (NATO, OSCE, EU i Vijeće Europe) da počnu uvjetovati pridruživanje novih istočnoeurospkih demokracija zaštitom manjina u njima. Od početka 1990-ih nastaje međunarodno (europsko) manjinsko pravo. Analiza pokazuje da Hrvatska u formalno-pravnoj zaštiti svojih manjina, više nego zadovoljava sve standarde utvrđene međunarodnim pravnim instrumentima. Ona je, štoviše, status manjina priznala i nacionalnim grupama, koje su više puki statistički zbir pojedinaca, nego kolektivi motivirani brigom zajedničkog očuvanja onoga što konstituira njihov javni identitet. Iza legalnog statusa manjine ne stoji, međutim, nikakva osmišljena koncepcija multietničke i socijalne pravde. No, za to se ne može kriviti samo dominantna većina, nego dijelom i same manjine, koje također nisu usvojile manjinsku političku kulturuUntil recently political theory and public opinion have been sharing almost universally accepted standpoint that liberalism is in principle opposed to collective minority rights. After WW2 liberal theory assumed that all questions of a democratic social order and social justice can be solved with the development of universal civic and human rights. Besides, liberals believed that the old model of religious tolerance and the separation of state and church had provided the guidelines for problem of ethnicity. On this view, ethnic identity, like religion, is something which people should be free to express in their private life, but which is not the concern of state. “Ethnic neutral” state precludes any legal or governmental recognition of ethnic groups. In more recent time, however, have appeared (liberal) political theorists who argue convincingly that the idea on “ethnically blind” state is a myth both historically and conceptually. People are, namely, embedded in their culture, and therefore the respect for someone\u27s (ethnic) culture is substantial for his or her self-esteem and dignity. This shift in liberal theory of social (ethnic) justice, and the collapse of socialism in Eastern Europe with outburst of frightening ethnic conflicts, have led powerful Western organizations (NATO, EU, Council of Europe, OSCE) to begin insisting on protection of minorities in the new EE democracies, as the condition for their integration. International (European) minority law began to emerge at the beginning of 1990-ies. The analysis has shown that from formal-legal point of view Croatia more than satisfy international standards of minority protection provided by international instruments. Indeed, it recognized the minority status even to some national groups, which are rather accidental statistical aggregate of individuals than real collectives motivated “to preserve together” their “common identity”. No elaborate concept of (multi)ethnic justice underlies the legal status of minorities. However, for their vague social position minorities themselves (in Croatia and probably in other EE countries) can, at least partly, be blamed since they too have not (yet) developed minority-based political culture

The notion of culture in papers on multiculturalism

Pojam kulture jedan je od najsloženijih u humanističkim i društvenim znanostima. Istodobno, kultura je ključna sastavnica svakog poimanja multikulturalizma. Zapravo, od shvaćanja kulture, i osobito odnosa pojedinca spram (svoje) kulture, uvelike ovisi na koji način će pojedini teoretičar razvijati (svoje) ideje multikulturalizma. Zato smo, prvo, u osnovnim crtama prikazali tradicionalno antropološko shvaćanje kulture - u smislu statičkog, nepromjenljivog, sveobuhvatnog entiteta, koji u potpunosti određuje neku zajednicu, uglavnom vezanu uz “vlastiti” teritorij. Nasuprot tome razvijaju se novi, među kojima i postmoderni pristupi. Oni naglašavaju upravo obrnuto: dinamičnost, unutarnju heterogenost i promjenljivost kultura. Iz ove perspektive kultura se ne odnosi tek na artefakte i objekte kao takve, nego ponajprije na načine na koji se ljudi prema njima odnose (osobito u simboličkom smislu), kako ih doživljavaju i interpretiraju. Napokon, povezanost određenja kulture i koncepcije multikulturalizma pokazali smo na primjeru istaknutih teoretičara na ovom području istraživanja društva.The notion of culture is one of the most complex notions in the humanities and in social sciences. At the same time, culture is the key element of every comprehension of multiculturalism. Actually, the way in which a theoretician will develop (his/her) ideas of multiculturalism largely depends on the understanding of culture, especially on the individual’s relationship between him/her and (his/her) culture. That is why we, firstly, briefly outlined the traditional anthropological understanding of culture - in the sense of static, unchangeable, comprehensive entity which completely identifies a certain community, mostly linked to “its own” territory. On the other hand, new approaches are being developed, some of them postmodern. They emphasize precisely the reverse: dynamism, internal heterogeneity and mutability of cultures. From this point of view, culture does not refer only to artefacts and objects as such, but primarily to the ways in which people relate to them (especially in a symbolic sense), how they experience and interpret them. Finally, on the example of eminent theoreticians in this field of society research, we showed the connection between defining culture and the conception of multiculturalism

European Standards of Minority Protection and the Status of Minorities in Croatia

Do nedavno je u političkoj teoriji i javnom mnijenju postojalo gotovo općeprihvaćeno gledište, da se liberalizam u načelu protivi kolektivnoj pravnoj zaštiti manjina. Nakon Drugog svjetskog rata liberalna je teorija pretpostavljala da se sva pitanja demokratske konstitucije društva i društvene pravde mogu riješiti razvitkom univerzalnih građanskih i ljudskih prava. Osim toga, smatralo se da već postoji povijesni uzor po kome se život kulturno različitih grupa štiti posredno osiguranjem jednakosti njihovih članova pred zakonom. Riječ je o modelu vjerske tolerancije, odnosno političkim razdvajanjem crkve od države. S toga stajališta, etnička pripadnost, poput vjerske, nešto je što ljudi trebaju biti slobodni iskazati u svojem privatnom životu, ali to nije stvar državne brige. Etnički neutralna država ne može priznati posebna kolektivna prava manjinama. U novije vrijeme, međutim, javljaju se (liberalni) teoretičari koji uvjerljivo dokazuju da je ideja o etnokulturnoj neutralnosti naprosto mit. Oni tvrde da su ljudi ukopani u svoju kulturu, i da je stoga poštivanje nečije (nacionalne) kulture važno za njegov ili njezin osjećaj digniteta i samopoštivanja. Pomak u liberalnoj teoriji socijalne pravde, te slom socijalizma u Istočnoj Europi, uz zastrašujuće etničke sukobe, naveli su utjecajne zapadne organizacije (NATO, OSCE, EU i Vijeće Europe) da počnu uvjetovati pridruživanje novih istočnoeurospkih demokracija zaštitom manjina u njima. Od početka 1990-ih nastaje međunarodno (europsko) manjinsko pravo. Analiza pokazuje da Hrvatska u formalno-pravnoj zaštiti svojih manjina, više nego zadovoljava sve standarde utvrđene međunarodnim pravnim instrumentima. Ona je, štoviše, status manjina priznala i nacionalnim grupama, koje su više puki statistički zbir pojedinaca, nego kolektivi motivirani brigom zajedničkog očuvanja onoga što konstituira njihov javni identitet. Iza legalnog statusa manjine ne stoji, međutim, nikakva osmišljena koncepcija multietničke i socijalne pravde. No, za to se ne može kriviti samo dominantna većina, nego dijelom i same manjine, koje također nisu usvojile manjinsku političku kulturuUntil recently political theory and public opinion have been sharing almost universally accepted standpoint that liberalism is in principle opposed to collective minority rights. After WW2 liberal theory assumed that all questions of a democratic social order and social justice can be solved with the development of universal civic and human rights. Besides, liberals believed that the old model of religious tolerance and the separation of state and church had provided the guidelines for problem of ethnicity. On this view, ethnic identity, like religion, is something which people should be free to express in their private life, but which is not the concern of state. “Ethnic neutral” state precludes any legal or governmental recognition of ethnic groups. In more recent time, however, have appeared (liberal) political theorists who argue convincingly that the idea on “ethnically blind” state is a myth both historically and conceptually. People are, namely, embedded in their culture, and therefore the respect for someone\u27s (ethnic) culture is substantial for his or her self-esteem and dignity. This shift in liberal theory of social (ethnic) justice, and the collapse of socialism in Eastern Europe with outburst of frightening ethnic conflicts, have led powerful Western organizations (NATO, EU, Council of Europe, OSCE) to begin insisting on protection of minorities in the new EE democracies, as the condition for their integration. International (European) minority law began to emerge at the beginning of 1990-ies. The analysis has shown that from formal-legal point of view Croatia more than satisfy international standards of minority protection provided by international instruments. Indeed, it recognized the minority status even to some national groups, which are rather accidental statistical aggregate of individuals than real collectives motivated “to preserve together” their “common identity”. No elaborate concept of (multi)ethnic justice underlies the legal status of minorities. However, for their vague social position minorities themselves (in Croatia and probably in other EE countries) can, at least partly, be blamed since they too have not (yet) developed minority-based political culture

International Refugee Law − Its Development Till the Crisis

Autor ponajprije daje povijesni pregled nastanka i razvitka međunarodnoga izbjegličkog prava, sve od dvadesetih godina ovoga stoljeća, kada se kao problem međunarodne zajednice prvi put javlja pitanje ruskih izbjeglica nakon oktobarske revolucije. Prati prva nastojanja kako međunarodnopravno odrediti pojam izbjeglica i kako ustanoviti temeljna načela zaštite (u početku pojedinih skupina izbjeglica, a potom svih izbjeglica). Ukazuje i na realne političke interese i ovisnost međunarodne pomoći izbjeglicama o realnim odnosima snaga u svijetu. Posebno se bavi genezom i značajem i danas važećeg temeljnog dokumenta međunarodnog izbjegličkog zakona − Ženevskom konvencijom o statusu izbjeglica (1951). Ekspanzija izbjegličkog prava tijekom pedesetih i šezdesetih godina oslanjala se na rastući korpus ljudskih prava, ali − "mekog prava". Naime, iza sve širih prava izbjeglica ne stoji i obveza država i međunarodne zajednice da ih stvarno i provedu. To je jasno došlo do izražaja u azilantskoj krizi od druge polovine osamdesetih, kada bogate zemlje zaoštravaju uvjete za dobivanje azila i statusa izbjeglica, pa i otvoreno krše temeljne norme izbjegličkog zakona. U siromašnim zemljama Trećega svijeta izbjeglice pak lakše ostvaruju pravo prvoga azila, ali im često nisu osigurani ni elementarni uvjeti za preživljavanje. Na mnogim mjestima izbjeglice nemaju, osim toga, ni slobodu kretanja. Na kraju, autor ukazuje da je svjetski sustav pomoći i zaštite izbjeglica u krizi, te da valja razviti novu strategiju koja bi bila usmjerena na otklanjanje temeljnih uzroka izbjegličkih pokreta.At the beginning of the paper, the author presents a review of the emergence and development of international refugee law, starting from the 1920s, when the international community was confronted, for the first time, with the problem of Russian refugees after the October Revolution. The author then describes early efforts made to provide an international definition of the concept of refugees and to formulate basic principles of protection, at first for some groups of refugees, and then for all refugees. He also indicates actual political interests and the dependence of international aid to refugees on the relations of power in the world. Special attention is given to the genesis and significance of the still valid basic document of international refugee law − the Geneva Convention on the Status of Refugees (1951). Expansion of refugee law in the 1950s and 1960s rested on a growing body of accepted human rights, as a form of “soft law”. Namely, greater and greater refugee rights are not supported by an obligation of states and of the international community to actually realize them. This became evident during the asylum crisis in the later half of the 1980s, when wealthy countries tightened conditions for receiving asylum and refugee status, and also openly violated the basic norms of refugee law. In the poor countries of the Third World refugees can more easily realize their right to a first place of asylum, but often they cannot secure for themselves even elementary conditions for survival. In many places refugees do not have even freedom of movement. Finally, the author indicates that the international system of aid and protection of refugees is in crisis, and that a new strategy should be developed which would be directed to eliminating the fundamental causes of refugee flows

The Fall of the “Iron Curtain” and Prospects for the “European Fortress”: Perspectives of European East-West Migration

Autor prvo daje pregled glavnih poslijeratnih, eminentno političkih, migracijskih tokova iz Istočne u Zapadnu Europu. Pad "željezne zavjese" mnogim Istočnoeuropljanima osnažio je nadu da će konačno slobodno moći migrirati na Zapad, u potrazi za boljim životom. No istočnoeuropske granice otvorile su se u situaciji kad su razmjeri azilantskih i ilegalnih migracijskih tokova u zapadnoeuropskim imigracijskim zemljama postali zabrinjavajući, a u javnosti osnažila protumigrantska raspoloženja. Posljednje godine agonije "realnog socijalizma" obilježene su naglo rastućim vanjskim migracijama iz prostora Istočne Europe. Hoće li u neposrednoj budućnosti ovaj trend biti nastavljen ili čak ojačan? Masovni mediji prenose i često dramatiziraju različite prognoze političara i stručnjaka s brojnih skupova posvećenih ovom pitanju. Autor ide tragom, u međuvremenu započetih, temeljnih ekonomskih, socijalnih, demografskih i kulturoloških istraživanja i analiza, da bi se ustanovile pouzdanije pretpostavke o europskim migracijskim perspektivama. Utvrđuje osnovne karakteristike migracijske situacije u Zapadnoj Europi uoči društvenopolitičkih promjena na Istoku. Zatim sagledava, s različitih aspekata, istočnoeuropske migracijske potencijale u usporedbi sa zapadnoeuropskim imigracijskim potrebama. Na kraju iznosi neke prijedloge za reguliranje transeuropskih migracija Za raspravu o budućim migracijama Istok–Zapad svakako je ključno golemo područje bivšega Sovjetskog Saveza, kojemu je stoga u članku posvećena posebna pažnja. Osim toga, naznačeni su migracijski izgledi Poljske, kao tradicionalno izrazito emigracijske zemlje, te Mađarske, kao primjera prostora s malim mi-gracijskim potencijalima, no koji postaje imigracijski atraktivan, osobito kao tranzitna migracijska destinacija. U zaključku autor podržava stav većine stručnjaka da politika "zatvorenih granica" nije primjereno ni djelotvorno sredstvo, da bi se masovne migracije zaustavile, odnosno da nije realno graditi "Europsku tvrđavu". Umjesto toga predlažu se različite, parcijalne ili sustavne strategije smanjivanja ekonomsko-socijalne neravnoteže između Istoka i Zapada. Pri tome i stručnjaci i političari sve više dolaze do spoznaje da se migracijski tokovi ne mogu regulirati samo na odredištu, nego ponajprije na izvorištu. U slučaju postsocijalističke Istočne Europe to znači da se moraju naći integralne strategije razvitka i modernizacije, kojima bi se dugoročno smanjili generatori barem "nepotrebnih migracija".The author first presents an overview of the main post-war, eminently political, migration flows for East to West Europe. For the people in many East European countries the fall of the “iron curtain” meant hope that they shall finally be able to migrate to the West in search of a better life. Yet the East European borders opened at a time when the dimensions of asylum-seeking and clandestine migration flows became alarming in the West European countries, and when an anti-immigration attitude was becoming stronger in them. The last years of agony of “real socialism” were marked by sharply increasing external migrations from East Europe. Will this trend be continued in the near future or perhaps will it even increase? The mass media transmit the often dramatic diverse predictions of politicians and experts given during numerous meetings dedicated to this que¬stion. The author examines some fundamental economic, social, demographic and culturological studies and analyses which have begun in the meantime in order to determine the validity of assumptions on European migration perspectives. He confirms the basic characteristics of the migration situation in West Europe before the socio-economic changes in the East. The author then examines, from various aspects, the East European migration potentials in comparison with the immigration needs of West Europe. Finally he offers certain suggestions for the regulation of trans-European migration. In the discourse on future East-West migrations the enormous territory of the former Soviet Union shall certainly be crucial, and the paper treats this space with special attention. Furthermore, the migration potential of Poland, as a traditional high emigration country, are also indicated, and also those of Hungary, which is an area with a low migration potential, but which will become attractive for immigration, especially as a transitional migration destination. In his conclusion, the author upholds the opinion of most experts that a policy of “closed borders” is not suitable as an effective means to prevent mass migration, or in other words, that it is not realistic to build a “European fortress”. Instead, various, partial or systematic strategies aimed at reducing the economic-social disparity between the East and West are suggested. In this sense, experts and politicians are ever more coming to realise that migration flows cannot be regulated only at their destinations, but are to be regulated (primarily) at their origins. In the case of post-socialist East Europe this means that it is necessary to find integral strategies of development and modernisation, which could in the long run reduce the generators at least in regard to “unnecessary migration”

Resource Mobilization Theory of Social Movement

Autor nas prvo uvodi u područje istraživanja društvenih pokreta kao eminentno modernih društvenih fenomena. Provala masovnih društvenih pokreta krajem 60-ih tražila je nove teorijsko-metodološke okvire za njihovo objašnjenje i razumijevanje jer su se dotad vladajuće teorijske paradigme pokazale neprimjerenima. Teorija mobilizacije resursa jedna je od dviju novih paradigmi istraživanja društvenih pokreta, koja se pojavila i razvijala u SAD-u. Ona je nastala ponajprije u sučeljavanju s klasičnom paradigmom čikaške socijalno-psihološke škole. Autor kritički prati njezin nastanak i razvitak. Ističe njezine prednosti prema starijim istraživačkim programima, i sučeljava je s konkurentskom europskom paradigmom "novih društvenih pokreta". Kritika instrumentalne rigidnosti i motivacijskog redukcionizma izvornog resursno-mobilizacijskog modela, koji počiva na teoriji racionalnog izbora, brzo je dovela do njegovih daljnjih elaboracija i revizija. Ostaje otvoreno pitanje može li teorija mobilizacije resursa integrirati identitetne i druge koncepte istraživanja društvenih pokreta, u što vjeruju njezini gorljivi zastupnici.The author first introduces us to research on social movements as eminently modem social phenomena. The emergence of mass social movements towards the end of the 1960s called fora new theoretical-methodological framework for their explanation and understanding, since the formerly reigning paradigms proved to he inappropriate. The theory of resource mobilization is one of the two new paradigms in research on social movements, that appeared und developed in the USA. It first appeared in opposition to the classical paradigm of the Chicago social-psychological school. The author gives a critique of its genesis and development. Its advantages in regard to the earlier research programmes are described, and it is compared with competing European paradigms of "new social movements". The criticism of instrumental rigidity and motivational reductionism of the original resource-mobility model, that was based on rational choice theory, is quickly brought to further elaboration and revision. The question remains as to whether the theory of resource mobilization can integrate identity and other concepts in research on social movements, as some of its avid proponents believe