22 research outputs found

    Political Instability and Elections: A Case Study of Lesotho

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    Conflict and Conflict Management: Lesotho's Political Crisis After the 1998 Election

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    Aid to Lesotho: dilemmas of state survival and development

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    Philosophiae Doctor - PhDThis thesis discusses the triangular relationship of aid, state and development since Lesotho's independence. It builds on three key hypotheses. First, during the preadj ustment period aid entrenched bureaucratic state power, but this changed with the adoption of the adjustment programme which only facilitates state survival. Secondly, hemmed in by external developemts and internal political and economic crisis, the state is caught between survival and shrinking resources. Thirdly, given the above, development has remained elusive inspite of the infusion of aid at highly preferential terms. Since the Cold War, aid issues have undergone three phases. Until the 1960s, donor concerns focussed primarily on economic growth. Growth with redistribution or the basic needs approach dominated aid disbursement up to the late 1970s. Since the 1980s, aid has been influenced predominantly by the IMF/World Bank orthodoxy of adjustment. Much of the debate on aid to Africa generally and to Lesotho specifically has revolved around whether aid develops or underdevelops recipient countries. The view that aid bolsters state power is not new. This study argues, however, that this may not be the case under adjustment conditions. Aid facilitates state survival in the context whereby donors mount a systematic offensive agianst dirigisme and economic nationalism. As they do that, the locus of economic production and interaction is shifted to private agents and autonomous social movements and the role of the state is cut back. Donor confidence, therefore; shifts from states to markets. The implications of these processes for the Lesotho state and prospects for development form the central thrust of this study. Non-probability purposive sampling was used for data collection. This approach rests on qualitative research methodology. Respondents were chosen on the basis of their position and influence on decion-making processes that impinge on the interface amongst aid, state and development. Primary data sources are clustered into three categories: Government; Donor agencies and embassies; and Non-governmental Organisations

    The limits of transnational solidarity: the Congress of South African Trade Unions and the Swaziland and Zimbabwean crises

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    The Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), the main union federation in South Africa, was instrumental in ending apartheid. This paper evaluates COSATU's post-apartheid role in working for democracy elsewhere in Southern Africa through deepening transnational solidarity, focusing on its role in Zimbabwe and Swaziland. Although the federation successfully mobilised trade union members to oppose the contravention of human and labor rights, its ability to affect lasting change was limited by contradictory messages and actions by the South African government, the dualistic nature of institutional formation in these countries, strategic miscalculations and structural limitations on union power

    Democracy under quarantine: political costs of COVID-19 in Africa

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    Earlier analyses of COVID-19 in Africa focused solely on health and socio-economic impacts of the pandemic. Lately, literature on the political costs of COVID-19 has emerged. This article builds on this latest discourse on this subject. Its principal thrust is that the impact of COVID-19 on the health systems and economy is as important as its impact on democracy. The onset of COVID-19 in Africa came at an inauspicious moment when democracy was in retreat. The political costs of COVID-19 include: (a) human rights violations, (b) weakening constitutionalism, (c) dwindling delivery of services, (d) enfeebled accountability and (e) corruption related to Personal Protective Equipment. State responses to the pandemic point to a possible trend, in some countries, of intensified democratic recession and an upsurge in autocratisation. There are three possible scenarios: (a) autocracy upsurge, (b) entrenchment of anocracy and (c) democracy resilience. While the first two should be avoided, the last scenario should be pursued vigorously

    Election monitoring and observation in Zimbabwe: Hegemony versus sovereignty

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    (Af. J. Political Science: 2001 7(1): 129-154

    The Notion of the Nation-State in Southern Africa: A Theoretical Exploration

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    Safeguarding election management bodies in the age of democratic recession

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    There is strong evidence that we have entered into a democratic recession – where the quality of democracy is being reversed around the world. As the organisations responsible for running elections, election management bodies (EMBs) are at the fulcrum of the challenge of protecting democracy. This article introduces the special issue on ‘Safeguarding Election Management Bodies in the Age of Democratic Recession’ which aims to consider the emerging challenges that EMBs are facing, and how they can be best equipped to respond to them. It begins by defining some characteristics of a democratic recession and mapping global trends in democratic quality. It charts global trends in election quality and maps variation in the quality of electoral management worldwide. The article then considers the implications of a democratic recession for EMBs and how international and regional organisations have sought to address these problems. Finally, it introduces articles in the special issue
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