Migrants' home town associations and local development in Mali

Nous analysons l’impact des associations de migrants (AM) de Maliens vivant en France sur la disponibilité en biens publics au Mali. Pour ce faire, nous avons constitué une base originale de données qui recense l’ensemble des AM maliennes enregistrées au Journal Officiel français depuis 1981 et qui géo-référence leurs lieux d’intervention. Cette base est couplée avec quatre recensements exhaustifs qui permettent de connaître la disponibilité en biens publics de chaque village malien de 1976 à 2009. En mettant en oeuvre une estimation en double différences, nous montrons que les AM maliennes ont significativement contribué à l’augmentation du nombre d’écoles, de centres de santé et d’adduction d’eau sur la période 1987-2009. Plus précisément, on observe que la différence entre le groupe de villages traités et le groupe de contrôle concernant l’adduction en eau est dû à des investissements menés durant la seconde période (1998-2009) tandis que les financements des AM concernant les écoles et les centres de santé ont eu lieu tout au long de la période 1987-2009

‘HAVING A ROAD’: SOCIAL AND SPATIAL MOBILITY OF PERSONS OF SLAVE AND MIXED DESCENT IN POST-INDEPENDENCE CENTRAL MALI

Colonial and Global Histor

Empowering or impeding return migration? ICT, mobile phones, and older migrants' communications with home

In the last two decades, transnational social fields have been transformed by advances in information and communication technologies (ICT). Many scholars have noted the empowering effects of these technological advances for migrants. Drawing on the concept of return preparedness, it follows that ICT use should also empower prospective returnees, enabling them to be better informed and prepared for return. However, multi‐sited ethnographic research with older North and West African men living in migrant worker hostels in France finds that ICT use – particularly mobile telephony –impedes return. In some instances, mobile phones serve to amplify the pressures on the men to provide financially for their stay‐at‐home relatives. In others, mobile phones reinforce attachments to France by facilitating networks of solidarity among hostel residents. Instead of returning definitively at retirement, many hostel residents choose a bi‐residence strategy, dividing their time between France and countries of origin

Association of the PHACTR1/EDN1 genetic locus with spontaneous coronary artery dissection

Background: Spontaneous coronary artery dissection (SCAD) is an increasingly recognized cause of acute coronary syndromes (ACS) afflicting predominantly younger to middle-aged women. Observational studies have reported a high prevalence of extracoronary vascular anomalies, especially fibromuscular dysplasia (FMD) and a low prevalence of coincidental cases of atherosclerosis. PHACTR1/EDN1 is a genetic risk locus for several vascular diseases, including FMD and coronary artery disease, with the putative causal noncoding variant at the rs9349379 locus acting as a potential enhancer for the endothelin-1 (EDN1) gene. Objectives: This study sought to test the association between the rs9349379 genotype and SCAD. Methods: Results from case control studies from France, United Kingdom, United States, and Australia were analyzed to test the association with SCAD risk, including age at first event, pregnancy-associated SCAD (P-SCAD), and recurrent SCAD. Results: The previously reported risk allele for FMD (rs9349379-A) was associated with a higher risk of SCAD in all studies. In a meta-analysis of 1,055 SCAD patients and 7,190 controls, the odds ratio (OR) was 1.67 (95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.50 to 1.86) per copy of rs9349379-A. In a subset of 491 SCAD patients, the OR estimate was found to be higher for the association with SCAD in patients without FMD (OR: 1.89; 95% CI: 1.53 to 2.33) than in SCAD cases with FMD (OR: 1.60; 95% CI: 1.28 to 1.99). There was no effect of genotype on age at first event, P-SCAD, or recurrence. Conclusions: The first genetic risk factor for SCAD was identified in the largest study conducted to date for this condition. This genetic link may contribute to the clinical overlap between SCAD and FMD

Métis et colons : la famille Devès et l'émergence politique des Africains au Sénégal, 1881-1897.

F. Manchuelle — Mulattoes and Settlers : The Deves Family and the Political Emergence of Africans in Senegal, 1881-1897. The Creole community which dominated Senegal, even after the recall of Briere de l'Isle (1881), was sharply divided because of divergent economie interests in Saint-Louis and Goree. Around 1890, the political landscape was profoundly altered by the arrivai of French immigrants in the colony. In an attempt to wrest power from the Saint-Louisian Creoles, the Goreans, led by the Deves family, joined forces with the French colonists, supported by the Bordeaux commercial interests. This almost provoked the disintegration of their party, the electoral base of which was composed of small African traders threatened by the French penetration. Hoping to regain their influence, the Deves family made signincant contributions towards the emergence of black politics in Senegal. The article ends with an evocation of probable links between the Deves and the first black African deputy to the French parliament, Biaise Diagne.Manchuelle François. Métis et colons : la famille Devès et l'émergence politique des Africains au Sénégal, 1881-1897.. In: Cahiers d'études africaines, vol. 24, n°96, 1984. pp. 477-504

Origines républicaines de la politique d'expansion coloniale de Jules Ferry (1838-1865)

Although scholars to this day have insisted on the exceptional character of Jules Ferry's colonial expansion policy in the history of the French Third Republic, the study of a number or previously unpublished documents — gathered during research on the French anti-slavery movement — shows that the French republican party had a colonial theory from the beginning of the nineteenth century. The evolution of this theory from the projects of the former Saint-Simonian and Fourierist Jules Lechevalier under the July Monarchy is traced through Pierre- Joseph Proudhon's newspaper Le Peuple in 1848, to the Revue du monde colonial under the Second Empire. The personal ties between Jules Ferry and the editing team of the Revue du monde colonial are revealed, as well as the ties between his thought and that of the Revue. Republican colonialism as it was defined in the Revue du monde colonial was a curious blend of Jacobin imperialism and revolutionary spirit. This ambiguity made it simultaneously support European colonization and ideas which were forerunners of modern-day Third World nationalisms. This apparent contradiction derived from the classical liberal origins of French Republican colonialism. Contrary to what has often been written, French classical liberals were in favor of colonization. But their criticism of Ancien Régime colonization carried the seed of a more radical criticism, which led to the rejection of colonialism.Bien que les universitaires jusqu'à ce jour aient insisté sur le caractère exceptionnel de la politique d'expansion coloniale de Jules Ferry dans l'histoire de la IIIe République, l'examen d'un certain nombre de projets et de publications inédits — réunis à l'occasion de recherches sur le mouvement anti-esclavagiste français — montre que le parti républicain eut, dès le début du XIXe siècle, une théorie coloniale. Le développement de cette théorie est retracé depuis les projets de l'ancien saint-simonien et fouriériste Jules Lechevalier, sous la Monarchie de Juillet, jusqu'à la Revue du monde colonial, sous le Second Empire, — en passant par le journal Le Peuple de Proudhon, sous la Seconde République. Les liens personnels de Jules Ferry avec l'équipe de la Revue du monde colonial sont mis en évidence, ainsi que les rapports entre sa pensée et celle des rédacteurs de la revue. Le colonialisme républicain, tel qu'il était défini par la Revue du monde colonial, consistait en un mélange curieux d'impérialisme jacobin et d'esprit révolutionnaire, qui en faisait tout à la fois un défenseur de la colonisation européenne et un précurseur des nationalismes du Tiers-Monde actuel. Cette apparente contradiction s'explique par les origines libérales du colonialisme républicain. Contrairement à ce que l'on a souvent écrit à ce sujet, les libéraux classiques étaient en faveur de la colonisation. Cependant, leur critique de la colonisation d'Ancien Régime portait en soi les germes d'une critique plus radicale, qui menait au rejet du colonialisme.Manchuelle François. Origines républicaines de la politique d'expansion coloniale de Jules Ferry (1838-1865). In: Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer, tome 75, n°279, 2e trimestre 1988. pp. 185-206

Assimilés ou patriotes africains ? Naissance du nationalisme culturel en Afrique française (1853-1931)

Abstract Assimiles or African patriots? The Emergence of Cultural Nationalisai in French-speaking Africa (1853-1931). — The French-speaking African educated elite is generally presented as strongly influenced by the colonial policy of Assimilation—at least until the emergence of the negritude movement before the Second World War. This article challenges this view by analyzing texts of local history and ethnography published by Francophone African authors from the middle of the nineteenth century to the 1930s. These sources display great pride in African culture, although they are also critical of traditional African society. Many of their authors later became important African politicians and intellectuals. Some played a role in the emergence of negritude. The works of these authors, however, were more than precursors of negritude: they were also attempts to define a modem African culture—one that would retain cultural elements from the past, while discarding oppressive traits of the old society.Résumé L'élite africaine francophone est souvent présentée comme fortement marquée par la politique coloniale d'assimilation —du moins jusqu'à l'apparition du mouvement de la négritude à la veille de la Seconde guerre mondiale. Le présent article remet en question cette interprétation par l'analyse de textes d'histoire et d'ethnographie locale publiés par des auteurs africains entre le milieu du XIXe siècle et la Seconde guerre mondiale. Ces sources révèlent chez leurs auteurs un grand intérêt pour la culture africaine, bien qu'elles se montrent critiques vis-à-vis de la société africaine traditionnelle. Un grand nombre des auteurs de ces textes devinrent par la suite des politiciens et des intellectuels importants. Certains jouèrent un rôle dans l'émergence de la négritude. Leurs travaux, cependant, firent davantage que d'annoncer la négritude, ils furent des tentatives de définition d'une culture africaine moderne qui conserverait des éléments essentiels de la culture traditionnelle, tout en se débarrassant des aspects les plus oppressifs de la société précoloniale.Manchuelle François. Assimilés ou patriotes africains ? Naissance du nationalisme culturel en Afrique française (1853-1931). In: Cahiers d'études africaines, vol. 35, n°138-139, 1995. pp. 333-368

Le rôle des Antillais dans l'apparition du nationalisme culturel en Afrique noire francophone

F. Manchuelle — The Role of West Indians in the Emergence of Cultural Nationalism in French-Speaking Africa. The twentieth-century movement of French-speaking Black writers known as negritude has had a powerful influence on people of African descent throughout the world. Existing studies do not reach far prior to the inception of the movement in the 1930s, yet the basic ideas of negritude were already present in the writings of black expatriates in Paris in the nineteenth century. Contrary to what is gener-ally believed, Francophone Blacks did not seek to become "black Frenchmen", indistinguishable from other Frenchmen except by the color of their skin. While they were in favor of giving full political rights to colonized peoples, many rejected their outright cultural assimilation.Manchuelle François. Le rôle des Antillais dans l'apparition du nationalisme culturel en Afrique noire francophone. In: Cahiers d'études africaines, vol. 32, n°127, 1992. pp. 375-408