(RE)PRODUCING A PEACEFUL CANADIAN CITIZENRY: A LESSON ON THE FREE TRADE OF THE AMERICAS QUEBEC CITY SUMMIT PROTESTS

In this article, I argue that despite common assumptions that peace education efforts achieve social change, it is often a normalizing, nation‐building project that obscures hierarchies of power. Focussing on a lesson from a popular peace education program currently used in Canadian schools, I have analyzed the convergences between peace and citizenship education and consider the implications of pedagogies that encourage peace as a personal choice and responsibility. I call for an approach to peace education that promotes critical thinking on how knowledge is produced. Key words: peace education, citizenship, nation‐building, knowledge production, non‐violent protest On suppose communément que la promotion de l’éducation pour la paix fait évoluer la société, mais l’auteure soutient dans cet article qu’elle est plutôt un projet national normatif qui camoufle des pouvoirs hiérarchiques. À l’aide d’une leçon faisant partie d’un programme d’éducation pour la paix très utilisé dans les écoles canadiennes, l’auteure analyse les convergences entre la paix et l’éducation à la citoyenneté et s’intéresse aux implications des pédagogies qui encouragent la paix comme un choix et une responsabilité personnels. Elle prône une approche qui favorise la pensée critique au regard du mode de production du savoir. Mots clés : éducation pour la paix, citoyenneté, développement d’un pays, production du savoir, protestation non violente.

Multicultural Education in Canadian Preservice Programs: Teacher Candidates' Perspectives

This report examines Canadian teacher candidates' perspectives on the multicultural education component of the preservice teacher education program they attend. The data analyze were collected through a questionnaire that set out to explore whether teacher candidates were satisfied with the multicultural education preparation they received and their ideas on how it might be improved. We present the findings in two parts. First we consider the teacher candidates' critiques and suggestions on multicultural education to reveal that the majority of respondents did not feel adequately prepared to the challenge teaching in ethno-racially diverse classrooms. Their responses point to specific programmatic and structural shortcomings of current multicultural curricula in Canadian teacher education programs. They suggest ways to improve the multicultural education curriculum including compulsory courses, more diversity among faculty and teacher candidates in the program, and an integrative approach across the teacher education curriculum. We then analyze the discourses embedded in their responses to examine how multicultural education is being understood by teacher candidates. Here we show that common understandings are often articulated through the paradigm of difference, through which the problems and the solutions are believed to be about the Other. We argue that these understandings promote rather than disrupt practices that sustain white hegemony. The article concludes with a discussion of the practical implications.Cet article porte sur les points de vue de stagiaires canadiennes sur la composante "éducation multiculturelle" de leur formation. Les données que nous analysons ont été recueillies par le biais d'un questionnaire cherchant à connaître dans quelle mesure les stagiaires étaient satisfaits de la formation qu'ils avaient reçue en éducation multiculturelle et leurs avis sur des façons de l'améliorer. La présentation des résultats se fait en deux parties. D'abord, nous nous penchons sur les critiques et les suggestions des stagiaires quant à l'éducation multiculturelle ; celles-ci indiquent que les stagiaires ne se sentaient pas suffisamment bien préparés pour enseigner dans des contextes où les élèves avaient diverses origines ethno-raciales. Les réponses des stagiaires font ressortir des lacunes relatives aux programmes et aux structures portant sur la formation en multiculturalisme au sein des études en pédagogie au Canada. Les stagiaires proposent des façons d'améliorer la composante "éducation multiculturelle" y compris des cours obligatoires, davantage de diversité au sein du personnel enseignant et des stagiaires dans les programmes de pédagogie, et une approche intégrative appliquée aux programmes d'études. Dans un deuxième temps, nous analysons les discours intégrés dans leurs réponses d'étudier I'interprétation que font les stagiaires de l'éducation multiculturelle. Nous révélons que leurs connaissances communes s'articu1ent souvent en relation avec Ie paradigme de la différence et selon lequel les problèmes et les solutions sont tenus porter sur l'Autre. Nous maintenons que, plutôt que d'aller à I'encontre des pratiques qui soutiennent I'hégémonie des Blancs, ces attitudes la promeuvent. Une discussion des implications pratiques de notre recherche vient conclure l'article

Introduction

While the declared global “refugee crisis” has received considerable scholarly attention, little of it has focused on the intersecting dynamics of oppression, discrimination, violence, and subjugation. Introducing the special issue, this article defines feminist “intersectionality” as a research framework and a no-borders activist orientation in trans-national and anti-national solidarity with people displaced by war, capitalism, and reproductive heteronormativity, encountering militarized nation-state borders. Our introduction surveys work in migration studies that engages with intersectionality as an analytic and offers a synopsis of the articles in the special issue. As a whole, the special issue seeks to make an intersectional feminist intervention in research produced about (forced) migration.Alors que les universitaires se sont beaucoup intéressés à la « crise des réfugiés » mondiale qui a été déclarée, ils n’ont que peu envisagé les dynamiques croisées de l’oppression, la discrimination, la violence et la subjugation. Le texte introductif de ce numéro spécial dé nit « l’intersectionnalité » féministe transnationale comme cadre de recherche et comme un activisme orienté sans frontières solidaire des personnes déplacées par la guerre, le capitalisme et l’hétéronormativité de la reproduction, qui se heurtent à des frontières nation- ales et étatiques militarisées. Cette introduction examine les études sur la migration qui retiennent l’intersectionnalité comme perspective d’analyse et offre un sommaire des articles de ce numéro spécial qui, envisagé dans son ensemble, vise à dégager une intervention féministe intersectionnelle dans les travaux de recherche qui concernent la migration (forcée).&nbsp

The Role of Internal Third-Party Interveners in Civil Resistance Campaigns: The Case of Israeli–Jewish Anti-Occupation Activists

When a non-violent resistance campaign does not have leverage to challenge powerful opponents, third-party intervention has been shown to assist. While the role of external third-party interveners – foreign activists – has been documented, less attention has been given to intervention from members of the dominant population. Drawing from the literature on civil resistance and through the study of Israeli Jews who intervene in Palestinian resistance campaigns against the Israeli military occupation, I argue that intervention from members of the dominant population is strategically desirable. Through an analysis of three Palestinian campaigns, this article identifies that the physical presence of Israeli Jews was needed to ensure the Palestinians could maintain their resistance efforts and presence on the land, despite the repression they faced. Furthermore, the skills and knowledge of the Israelis were needed to help the Palestinians achieve some of their goals, at least in the short term

Spectrofluorimetric determination of gemifloxacin mesylate and linezolid in pharmaceutical formulations: Application of quinone-based fluorophores and enhanced native fluorescence

Quinone-based fluorophores and enhanced native fluorescence techniques were applied for a fast quantitative analysis of gemifloxacin mesylate (GEM) and linezolid (LIN) in pharmaceutical formulations. For this purpose, three sensitive, accurate and precise spectrofluorimetric methods were developed. GEM, as an n-electron donor, reacts with 7,7,8,8-tetracyanoquinodimethane (method A) and 2,5-dichloro-3,6-dihydroxy-p-benzoquinone (method B) as π-electron acceptors, forming charge transfer complexes that exhibit high fluorescence intensity at 441 and 390 nm upon excitation at 260 and 339 nm, respectively. Method C depends on measurement of enhanced native fluorescence of LIN in phosphate buffer (pH 5) at 380 nm upon excitation at 260 nm. Experimental factors affecting the fluorescence intensity were optimized. Linearity was obtained over concentration ranges 50–500, 10–60 and 20–400 ng mL−1 for methods A, B and C, respectively. The developed methods were validated and successfully applied for determination of the cited drugs in tablets

From Knowledge Consumers to Knowledge Producers: A Project in Decolonizing Feminist Praxis (Dispatch)

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Justice globale et positionnement du sujet racialisé chez les militants chrétiens du Nord

Au cours des dernières années, le mouvement altermondialiste et les Forums sociaux mondiaux (FSM) ont fait l’objet de critiques sérieuses. En effet, dès le deuxième FSM en 2002, certains commençaient à se demander si ces rencontres ne se prêtaient pas à la « colonisation de la résistance » (Mngxitama 2005). D’autres ont remarqué et commenté la prédominance des groupes du Nord aux différents forums. Mon objectif est d’étudier le positionnement racialisé des groupes confessionnels et de leurs membres habitant les pays du Nord. La méthode utilisée pour comprendre le processus de racialisation est en grande partie influencée par les méthodologies féministe, postcoloniale et antiraciste ; celles-ci cherchent à révéler les façons dont la connaissance est produite pour établir et maintenir des relations inégales, ainsi que pour construire des subjectivités au moyen de représentations et de modes de pensée racialisés. L’une des questions pratiques que mon analyse soulève est la suivante : les activistes des pays du Nord devraient-ils même participer aux mouvements mis en cause ici ? De plus, étant donné les inquiétudes croissantes exprimées par le mouvement altermondialiste et les gens qui participent aux FSM, j’ai tenu à soulever des questions qui nécessitent un examen beaucoup plus poussé ; j’ai aussi voulu faire ressortir le besoin de recherches universitaires plus soutenues et d’études approfondies sur les liens existant entre l’Église, la théologie et le mouvement altermondialiste.The altermondialism movement has been hailed by many as promising, and is explicitly based upon the idea of coming together across geographic borders and differences to organize collectively for global justice. In recent years, however, the altermondialsm movement and the World Social Forums (WSFs) have come under some serious criticism and as early as the second WSF in 2002, some were beginning to question if these gatherings were in fact lending themselves to the “the colonization of resistance” (Mngxitama 2005). Others have noticed and commented on the dominance of groups from the global North at these events. The objective of this article is to consider the racialized positioning of Church groups and members from the global North. The approach that I use to understand the processes of racialization is largely shaped by feminist, postcolonial and/or antiracist methodologies, which seek to expose the ways knowledge is produced to create and sustain unequal relations and to constitute subjectivities through racialized representations and modes of thinking. One of the practical questions that this study raises is whether activists from the Global North should be participating in such movements at all. In raising such questions, the article encourages careful contemplation of North/South power relations in global justice movements power and suggest a need for more sustained research and scholarship into the links between, Church, theology, and the altermondialism movement

From Knowledge Consumers to Knowledge Producers: A Project in Decolonizing Feminist Praxis (Dispatch)

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Critical Feminist Approaches to Migration and Mobility Justice in Canada: Guest Editors' Introduction

This themed section examines how inequality constrain and enable contemporary human movement at state border crossings. It responds directly to questions, practices, and knowledge gaps that arise from critical migration/refugee studies, critical tourism studies, border studies, and/or mobility justice research by denaturalizing assumptions about the rights of some to choose to move across borders freely and others who are forced to leave, denied access, or detained. In so doing, we highlight research on human mobilities and borders in Canada to advance understandings on the dynamics of territorial control and access to state borders. What links the articles is the commitment to examining the reproduction of power through the following three shared understandings and starting points: (1) a critique of the Canadian nation state’s global reputation as exceptionally humanitarian (Nguyen and Phu 2021); (2) a consideration of the global entanglements of racial capitalism and colonialism that structures human movement (Gutiérrez Rodríguez 2018); and (3) an understanding that the mobilities of some and the immobilities of others coexist and are in fact co-produced (Ahmed et al. 2020; Bauman 1998; Sheller 2018)