First State Bank v. Chunkapura: New Limitations on Trust Indentures

First State Bank v. Chunkapura: New Limitations on Trust Indenture

The Rise and Fall of the Right-Centre Coalition Government in Portugal (2002-2005)

This article assesses the impact of the right-centre coalition government on Portuguese economy, society and politics. It starts with an analysis of the coalition formation process and places it in the context of previous coalition governments in Portugal. The austerity measures of the coalition government are then discussed at length. Moreover, government policies are placed within context of the emerging regime of monetary policy and fiscal discipline imposed by the European integration process.The austerity measures of the government were quite unpopular, allowing the opposition parties on the left to make electoral gains in the two mid-term elections to the European Parliament and to the regional assemblies of Madeira and the Acores. The disorganised image of the Santana Lopes government led to early elections being call by president Jorge Sampaio. On 20 February 2005, the Socialist party under popular leader José Socrates won the legislative elections with an absolute majority.Este artigo evalua a influência da coligação da centro-direita sobre a economia, a sociedade e a política portuguesa. A análise do processo da formação de coligação é contextualiza na história dos governos de coligação que se sucederam em Portugal. Esta análise é seguida de um estudo profundo das medidas de austeridade implementadas e tomadas por este governo no contexto da política monetária e fiscal imposta pelo processo de integração europeia.As medidas de austeridade do governo foram mal aceites, por isso os partidos da oposição da esquerda puderam obter ganhos eleitorais nas duas eleições para o Parlamento Europeu e para as assembleias regionais da Madeira e dos Açores. A imagem desorganização dada pelo governo de Santana Lopes levou o Presidente Jorge Sampaio a decidir eleições legislativas anticipadas. A 20 de Fevereiro de 2005, o partido socialista sob a direcção do popular José Socrates, alcançou a maioria absoluta nas eleições legislativas.Quelle a été l’influence de la coalition de centre-droit sur l’économie, la société et la politique portugaises ? L’analyse du processus de formation de cette coalition est replacée dans l’histoire des autres gouvernements de coalition qu’a connus le Portugal. Elle est suivie d’une étude approfondie des mesures d’austérité appliquées prises par ce gouvernement, dans le contexte de la politique monétaire et fiscale du processus d’intégration européenne. Les mesures d’austérité du gouvernement furent peu et de ce fait les partis d’opposition de gauche furent capables d’engranger des gains électoraux tant aux élections pour le Parlement européen que pour les assemblées régionales de Madère et des Açores. L’image de désorganisation donnée par le gouvernement de Santana Lopes a poussé le président Jorge Sampaio à provoquer des élections législatives anticipées. Le 20 février 2005, le parti socialiste sous la direction de son populaire leader José Socrates, a alors gagné les élections, à la majorité absolue

With or without you: mobilization strategies of portuguese regional authorities in the European Union

A sizable body of literature has investigated the activity of regional authorities in attempting to circumvent central governments in the European Union (EU). Located at the intersection between research on multi-level governance and Europeanization, and building on the conceptual division between ‘financial’ and ‘regulatory’ mobilization, the aim of this article is to identify the domestic mediating factors which condition the channels and rationales underpinning Portuguese regional strategies in the EU. This article shows that structures, agency and contextual factors are the most relevant mediating factors explaining the decision of the Autonomous Regions of Azores and Madeira to combine intra- and extra-state strategies geared towards ‘regulatory’ purposes, whereas the five deconcentrated Regional Coordination and Development Commissions (CCDRs) in mainland Portugal have confined themselves to an extra-state strategy tailored to ‘financial’ purposes. We conclude that despite the presence of national bypassing in both cases, the regions have not challenged Portuguese state authority.This work was supported by the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT) under [grant number UID/CPO/000758/2013]

Cross-Border Cooperation Between Spain and Portugal : A case Study of the Southern Regions

After centuries of lack of contacts between Spain and Portugal, the democratization of both countries allowed for a rapprochement which today is becoming more intensive. The crucial factor of the growing integration of Spanish and Portuguese border regions into a cross-border region is naturally the INTERREG programme. Both regions are disadvantaged within the European Union and their respective countries as poor regions. They have the status of a 'double periphery'. In the 1980s and particularly 1990s actors on both sides of the border intensified their contacts in order to overcome their double peripherality. The growing number of projects, the improvement of infrastructures and the revival of associationism will certainly change the quality of life of these regions, which are still among the lowest in both countries. The continuation of the INTERREG programme after 2007-2013 will be an important consolidating tool for the further development of cross-border cooperation.Després de segles de falta de contactes entre Espanya i Portugal, la democratització dels dos països va permetre un acostament que avui dia és cada vegada més intens. El factor crucial de la creixent integració de les regions frontereres d'Espanya i Portugal en una regió transfronterera és, naturalment, el programa INTERREG. Ambdues regions es troben en desavantatge dins de la Unió Europea i els seus països respectius, com les regions pobres. Tenen la condició de «doble perifèria '. En els anys 1980 i 1990, en particular els actors d'ambdós costats de la frontera han intensificat els seus contactes per tal de superar la seva situació perifèrica doble. El nombre creixent de projectes, la millora de les infraestructures i el renaixement de l'associacionisme sens dubte canviarà la qualitat de vida d'aquestes regions, que segueixen estant entre els més baixos dels dos països. La continuació del programa INTERREG després de 2007-2013 serà un instrument important per consolidar el desenvolupament de la cooperació transfronterera

The Rise and Fall of the Right-Centre Coalition Government in Portugal (2002-2005)

This article assesses the impact of the right-centre coalition government on Portuguese economy, society and politics. It starts with an analysis of the coalition formation process and places it in the context of previous coalition governments in Portugal. The austerity measures of the coalition government are then discussed at length. Moreover, government policies are placed within context of the emerging regime of monetary policy and fiscal discipline imposed by the European integration process.The austerity measures of the government were quite unpopular, allowing the opposition parties on the left to make electoral gains in the two mid-term elections to the European Parliament and to the regional assemblies of Madeira and the Acores. The disorganised image of the Santana Lopes government led to early elections being call by president Jorge Sampaio. On 20 February 2005, the Socialist party under popular leader José Socrates won the legislative elections with an absolute majority.Este artigo evalua a influência da coligação da centro-direita sobre a economia, a sociedade e a política portuguesa. A análise do processo da formação de coligação é contextualiza na história dos governos de coligação que se sucederam em Portugal. Esta análise é seguida de um estudo profundo das medidas de austeridade implementadas e tomadas por este governo no contexto da política monetária e fiscal imposta pelo processo de integração europeia.As medidas de austeridade do governo foram mal aceites, por isso os partidos da oposição da esquerda puderam obter ganhos eleitorais nas duas eleições para o Parlamento Europeu e para as assembleias regionais da Madeira e dos Açores. A imagem desorganização dada pelo governo de Santana Lopes levou o Presidente Jorge Sampaio a decidir eleições legislativas anticipadas. A 20 de Fevereiro de 2005, o partido socialista sob a direcção do popular José Socrates, alcançou a maioria absoluta nas eleições legislativas.Quelle a été l’influence de la coalition de centre-droit sur l’économie, la société et la politique portugaises ? L’analyse du processus de formation de cette coalition est replacée dans l’histoire des autres gouvernements de coalition qu’a connus le Portugal. Elle est suivie d’une étude approfondie des mesures d’austérité appliquées prises par ce gouvernement, dans le contexte de la politique monétaire et fiscale du processus d’intégration européenne. Les mesures d’austérité du gouvernement furent peu et de ce fait les partis d’opposition de gauche furent capables d’engranger des gains électoraux tant aux élections pour le Parlement européen que pour les assemblées régionales de Madère et des Açores. L’image de désorganisation donnée par le gouvernement de Santana Lopes a poussé le président Jorge Sampaio à provoquer des élections législatives anticipées. Le 20 février 2005, le parti socialiste sous la direction de son populaire leader José Socrates, a alors gagné les élections, à la majorité absolue

Popularity functions, partisan effects, and support in parliament

This paper analyzes the popularity of the main political entities in Portugal. Estimation results of popularity functions validate the responsibility hypothesis, with unemployment, and to a lesser extent inflation, affecting popularity levels. There is also evidence of personality effects, of popularity erosion over consecutive terms and of honeymoon effects. Finally, we found that voters' evaluations of incumbents' performance regarding unemployment is affected by their support in Parliament when an incumbent faces more opposition in Parliament, voters are less likely to hold him responsible for unemployment increases.(undefined

Subjective and objective outcome in congenital clubfoot; a comparative study of 204 children

<p>Abstract</p> <p>Background</p> <p>Outcome following management of congenital talipes equinovarus (clubfoot) can be assessed in a number of ways. Bjonness stated simply that <it>"the patient is the final judge of whether he has a good foot</it>"; a purely subjective assessment. Others have employed objective measures. Combining subjective evaluation with a more objective assessment of movement and position of the foot, is likely to give a more comprehensive picture of the final result of clubfoot. The purpose of this study was to compare subjective and objective outcome following management of clubfoot, and evaluate sex differences in outcome.</p> <p>Methods</p> <p>We used a patient-administered subjective assessment of outcome following treatment of clubfoot and compared it with objective anthropometry and range of movement of the ankle to assess and compare subjective and objective outcome in clubfoot. Statistical analysis was performed using Pearson correlation coefficients. Significance was tested using Student's t-test test.</p> <p>Results</p> <p>Objective outcome can be assessed using length of the foot, calf circumference and range of movement at the ankle. These are easy to measure, reproducible, and correlate well with subjective outcome. Objective outcome is comparable for boys and girls. However, subjectively, female patients and their parents are less happy with the results of management of clubfoot.</p> <p>Conclusion</p> <p>There is a correlation between the anthropometric measures and the subjective outcome and an objective grading can be designed using foot length, calf muscle bulk and range of movement at the ankle.</p

Portuguese Ministers, 1851-1999: Social Background and Paths to Power

Disponível em: http://193.136.113.6/Opac/Pages/Search/Results.aspx?SearchText=UID=bb8aa8d5-c6b6-466a-81bb-fe8a67693cee&DataBase=10449_UNLFCSHThis paper provides an empirical analysis of the impact of regime changes in the composition and patterns of recruitment of the Portuguese ministerial elite throughout the last 150 years. The ‘out-of-type’, violent nature of most regime transformations accounts for the purges in and the extensive replacements of the political personnel, namely of the uppermost officeholders. In the case of Cabinet members, such discontinuities did not imply, however, radical changes in their social profile. Although there were some significant variations, a series of salient characteristics have persisted over time. The typical Portuguese minister is a male in his midforties, of middle-class origin and predominantly urban-born, highly educated and with a state servant background. The two main occupational contingents have been university professors - except for the First Republic (1910-26) - and the military, the latter having only recently been eclipsed with the consolidation of contemporary democracy. As regards career pathways, the most striking feature is the secular trend for the declining role of parliamentary experience, which the democratic regime did not clearly reverse. In this period, a technocratic background rather than political experience has been indeed the privileged credential for a significant proportion of minister