162 research outputs found

    A case of non-HPV related primary endometrioid adenocarcinoma of the cervix

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    © 2020 Objective: Primary endometrioid adenocarcinoma of the cervix is a rare subtype of adenocarcinoma that has often been misclassified in the literature due to the lack of clear-cut diagnostic criteria. A new classification system has recently been developed that aims to provide clarity and reproducibility when diagnosing subtypes of endocervical adenocarcinoma. This case report demonstrates the difficulty in diagnosing primary endometroid adenocarcinoma, application of the new diagnostic guidelines, and a review of the literature of this rare non-HPV subtype. Case: A 76 year-old women presented with postmenopausal bleeding and was found to have an exophytic cervical mass. Biopsies showed an adenocarcinoma of probable endometrial origin. She underwent a robotic-assisted simple hysterectomy with bilateral pelvic lymph node sampling and omental biopsy. Final pathology report demonstrated a primary endometrioid adenocarcinoma of the cervix, measuring 2.4 cm in size, diagnosed using the recently developed International Endocervical Adenocarcinoma Criteria and Classification (IECC) system. Patient was then treated with external beam radiation therapy and concurrent chemotherapy, followed by vaginal brachytherapy. She had no evidence of disease at her 15-month follow-up visit. Conclusion: Primary endometrioid adenocarcinoma of the cervix is a rare and diagnostically challenging tumor of the cervix. This case illustrates the challenges associated with diagnosis of this endocervical carcinoma subtype and the need for a multi-disciplinary approach when determining treatment

    Investigation of lateral acceleration-bending coupling for a large booster utilizing multi accelerometers

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    Selection of accelerometer positions to predict system stability of lateral acceleration-bending coupling in large flexible booste

    Insights into the accuracy of social scientists' forecasts of societal change

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    How well can social scientists predict societal change, and what processes underlie their predictions? To answer these questions, we ran two forecasting tournaments testing the accuracy of predictions of societal change in domains commonly studied in the social sciences: ideological preferences, political polarization, life satisfaction, sentiment on social media, and gender–career and racial bias. After we provided them with historical trend data on the relevant domain, social scientists submitted pre-registered monthly forecasts for a year (Tournament 1; N = 86 teams and 359 forecasts), with an opportunity to update forecasts on the basis of new data six months later (Tournament 2; N = 120 teams and 546 forecasts). Benchmarking forecasting accuracy revealed that social scientists’ forecasts were on average no more accurate than those of simple statistical models (historical means, random walks or linear regressions) or the aggregate forecasts of a sample from the general public (N = 802). However, scientists were more accurate if they had scientific expertise in a prediction domain, were interdisciplinary, used simpler models and based predictions on prior data

    The Roots of Virtue: A Cross-Cultural Lexical Analysis

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    Although the notion of virtue is increasingly prominent in psychology, the way it has been studied and conceptualised has been relatively Western-centric, and does not fully account for variations in how it has been understood cross-culturally. As such, an enquiry was conducted into ideas relating to virtue found across the world’s cultures, focusing specifically on so-called untranslatable words. Through a quasi-systematic search of academic and grey literature, together with conceptual snowballing and crowd-sourced suggestions, over 200 relevant terms were located. An adapted grounded theory analysis identified five themes which together provide an insight into the “roots” of virtue (i.e., the main sources from which it appears to spring): virtue itself (the concept of it); considerateness (caring about it); wisdom (knowing what it consists of); agency (managing to be/do it); and skill (mastery of the preceding elements). The results help shed further light on the potential dynamics of this important phenomenon

    Extremists on the left and right use angry, negative language

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    We propose that political extremists use more negative language than moderates. Previous research found that conservatives report feeling happier than liberals and yet liberals “display greater happiness” in their language than do conservatives. However, some of the previous studies relied on questionable measures of political orientation and affective language; and no studies have examined whether political orientation and affective language are non-linearly related. Revisiting the same contexts (Twitter, U.S. Congress), and adding three new ones (political organizations, news media, crowdsourced Americans), we found that the language of liberal and conservative extremists’ was more negative and angry in its emotional tone than that of moderates. Contrary to previous research, we found that liberal extremists’ language was more negative than that of conservative extremists. Additional analyses supported the explanation that extremists feel threatened by the activities of political rivals, and their angry, negative language represents efforts to communicate as much to others. Keywords: language, anger, extremism, liberals and conservatives, threat, happines

    Extremists on the left and right use angry, negative language

    Get PDF
    We propose that political extremists use more negative language than moderates. Previous research found that conservatives report feeling happier than liberals and yet liberals "display greater happiness" in their language than do conservatives. However, some of the previous studies relied on questionable measures of political orientation and affective language, and no studies have examined whether political orientation and affective language are nonlinearly related. Revisiting the same contexts (Twitter, U.S. Congress), and adding three new ones (political organizations, news media, crowdsourced Americans), we found that the language of liberal and conservative extremists was more negative and angry in its emotional tone than that of moderates. Contrary to previous research, we found that liberal extremists' language was more negative than that of conservative extremists. Additional analyses supported the explanation that extremists feel threatened by the activities of political rivals, and their angry, negative language represents efforts to communicate as much to others
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