Loneliness and social media: A qualitative investigation of young people's motivations for use and perceptions of social networking sites

The democratisation of Internet access has incrementally changed every domain of activity and has created new business and economic models. From answering work emails to learning a new language, shopping, booking medical appointments or managing one’s finances, almost everything is attainable at the click of a button. The added implications of the rapid rise of social networking websites (SNSs), such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram or Snapchat, have further contributed to changing the way we communicate and build new friendships. Indeed most of our social relationships are now being ‘increasingly developed and maintained online’ (Nowland, Necka & Cacioppo, 2017: 1). Ostensibly, despite improved Internet access and enhanced social connectedness, modern societies are struggling to combat loneliness. It is reported to affect people of all ages, especially young adults (16-24 and 25-34 years old) who are avid Internet and social media users (see Office for National Statistics, 2018)

Understanding adolescent loneliness : longitudinal and cross-sectional relationships with attachment, emotion regulation, and coping.

Loneliness is an emotionally unpleasant experience which is associated with a host of psychosocial and mental health problems, such as low self-esteem, poor social skills, fewer and poorer quality friendships, social anxiety, depression, poorer life satisfaction, and suicidal thoughts and behaviour (e.g., see Heinrich & Gullone, 2006, for a review). It affects as many as 74% of adolescents in any given 12 month period (Fleming & Jacobsen, 2009), with painful and persistent feelings of loneliness experienced by 10% to 20% of adolescents (Brennan, 1982). Yet, despite loneliness appearing to be more prevalent in adolescence than in any other stage of the life cycle, adolescent loneliness has received relatively little research attention -particularly with regards to investigating possible causal mechanisms. Therefore, this thesis sought to redress this imbalance in the loneliness research literature by examining potential aetiological factors in adolescent loneliness. Since loneliness is "an enduring condition of emotional distress" (Rook, 1984, p. 1391), it was proposed that how adolescents manage their emotions and cope with distress may be an important factor underlying the development and maintenance of loneliness. Moreover, drawing upon attachment theory, it was argued that to the extent that the quality of attachment experiences influence social, cognitive, emotional, and personality development they may consequently influence loneliness. For Study I, both cross-sectional and short-term longitudinal designs were employed, and 323 adolescents (aged 12 to 17 years) completed measures of loneliness, attachment quality, emotion regulation, and coping. A substantial proportion (28%) of the adolescents surveyed experienced chronic feelings of global loneliness, and approximately half felt lonely at any given point in time. Attachment, emotion regulation, and coping were found to be predictive of loneliness both cross-sectionally, as well as seven months later. Supporting the assertion of a likely aetiological role in loneliness, the chronically lonely were found to have poorer attachment relationships with their parents and peers, and adopt more maladaptive emotion regulation and coping strategies than their nonlonely counterparts. Hence, it emerged that adolescents' attachment relationships, and their emotion regulation/coping strategies emerged as two salient mechanisms underlying loneliness. Attachment theory proposes that one's early experiences with caregivers are internalised in the form of working models which provide a blueprint that guides one's perceptions, expectations and social interactions, as well as how one experiences, expresses, and regulates emotion and distress into adulthood (Cooper, Shaver, & Collins, 1998). Study 1 did not permit the examination of interrelationships between attachment and emotion regulation/coping, and so a second study was conducted in which 202 adolescents (aged 13 to 16 years) completed the same measures used previously. Replicating the first study's findings, moderate-to-strong associations were found between adolescent loneliness and attachment, emotion regulation, and coping. Moreover, the results of the second study extended the Study 1 findings by demonstrating that the effects of attachment and emotion regulation/coping were interrelated, and therefore do not represent mutually exclusive mechanisms underlying adolescent loneliness. It was shown that the relationship between attachment and adolescent loneliness was at least partially mediated by emotion regulation and coping. Together, these two studies fill a void in the loneliness literature by revealing that adolescents' attachment relationships, and how they manage their emotions and cope with distress, play substantial roles in adolescent loneliness. However, whilst substantial proportions of the variability in global, social, and family loneliness were found to be accounted for by attachment, emotion regulation, and coping, this was not the case for romantic loneliness. Thus, further research is needed to better understand the nature of romantic loneliness in adolescence. Implications for interventions are also discussed

Understanding adolescent loneliness : longitudinal and cross-sectional relationships with attachment, emotion regulation, and coping.

Loneliness is an emotionally unpleasant experience which is associated with a host of psychosocial and mental health problems, such as low self-esteem, poor social skills, fewer and poorer quality friendships, social anxiety, depression, poorer life satisfaction, and suicidal thoughts and behaviour (e.g., see Heinrich & Gullone, 2006, for a review). It affects as many as 74% of adolescents in any given 12 month period (Fleming & Jacobsen, 2009), with painful and persistent feelings of loneliness experienced by 10% to 20% of adolescents (Brennan, 1982). Yet, despite loneliness appearing to be more prevalent in adolescence than in any other stage of the life cycle, adolescent loneliness has received relatively little research attention -particularly with regards to investigating possible causal mechanisms. Therefore, this thesis sought to redress this imbalance in the loneliness research literature by examining potential aetiological factors in adolescent loneliness. Since loneliness is "an enduring condition of emotional distress" (Rook, 1984, p. 1391), it was proposed that how adolescents manage their emotions and cope with distress may be an important factor underlying the development and maintenance of loneliness. Moreover, drawing upon attachment theory, it was argued that to the extent that the quality of attachment experiences influence social, cognitive, emotional, and personality development they may consequently influence loneliness. For Study I, both cross-sectional and short-term longitudinal designs were employed, and 323 adolescents (aged 12 to 17 years) completed measures of loneliness, attachment quality, emotion regulation, and coping. A substantial proportion (28%) of the adolescents surveyed experienced chronic feelings of global loneliness, and approximately half felt lonely at any given point in time. Attachment, emotion regulation, and coping were found to be predictive of loneliness both cross-sectionally, as well as seven months later. Supporting the assertion of a likely aetiological role in loneliness, the chronically lonely were found to have poorer attachment relationships with their parents and peers, and adopt more maladaptive emotion regulation and coping strategies than their nonlonely counterparts. Hence, it emerged that adolescents' attachment relationships, and their emotion regulation/coping strategies emerged as two salient mechanisms underlying loneliness. Attachment theory proposes that one's early experiences with caregivers are internalised in the form of working models which provide a blueprint that guides one's perceptions, expectations and social interactions, as well as how one experiences, expresses, and regulates emotion and distress into adulthood (Cooper, Shaver, & Collins, 1998). Study 1 did not permit the examination of interrelationships between attachment and emotion regulation/coping, and so a second study was conducted in which 202 adolescents (aged 13 to 16 years) completed the same measures used previously. Replicating the first study's findings, moderate-to-strong associations were found between adolescent loneliness and attachment, emotion regulation, and coping. Moreover, the results of the second study extended the Study 1 findings by demonstrating that the effects of attachment and emotion regulation/coping were interrelated, and therefore do not represent mutually exclusive mechanisms underlying adolescent loneliness. It was shown that the relationship between attachment and adolescent loneliness was at least partially mediated by emotion regulation and coping. Together, these two studies fill a void in the loneliness literature by revealing that adolescents' attachment relationships, and how they manage their emotions and cope with distress, play substantial roles in adolescent loneliness. However, whilst substantial proportions of the variability in global, social, and family loneliness were found to be accounted for by attachment, emotion regulation, and coping, this was not the case for romantic loneliness. Thus, further research is needed to better understand the nature of romantic loneliness in adolescence. Implications for interventions are also discussed

Action research to implement an Indigenous health curriculum framework

In recent decades Indigenous health curriculum frameworks have been developed, however, few studies about their implementation exist. This study aimed to employ critical theory and action research to understand how an Indigenous health curriculum framework could be applied and associated learning and teaching iteratively improved. Three action research cycles where conducted from 2017 to 2019. Student reaction (satisfaction and engagement) was collected via survey 2017–2019. Student learning was collated 2018–2019 via self-perception survey (knowledge, attitude, confidence, commitment) multi-choice questions (knowledge) and content analysis of apply and analyse activities (skill). The teaching team met annually to reflect on findings and plan enhancements to learning and teaching. Over 2017–2019 there was a pattern of improved student reaction and learning. Connecting this research to Faculty level committees led to widening success and improved sustainability of the practice. The online unit and workshop delivery were scalable, overcame a barrier of educator skill and confidence to teach this area, allowed for quality content control and provided data for analysis. Interestingly, learning gained from this unit matched that described as occurring from student placements in health settings with high numbers of Indigenous people. Student learning occurred across the Framework three levels (novice, intermediate and entry to practice) suggesting that the taxonomy of the Framework does not necessarily align with the reality of learning and teaching. Vertical implementation of the five learning domains would benefit from alignment with training evaluation models and validated assessment to understand learning that has occurred rather than the teaching that has been taught. In this study health profession accreditation bodies had driven the imperative for an Indigenous health program and curriculum. Research on Indigenous health learning and teaching relating to behaviour and results in workplaces is needed