SVEN OLOV LINDHOLM AND THE LITERARY INSPIRATIONS OF SWEDISH FASCISM

Very little research has been done into the leader of the most prominent Swedish fascist party of the interwar period, the leader of the Nationalsocialistiska Arbetarepartiet, Sven Olov Lindholm, in spite of extensive source material in his personal archive. This article explores the literary influences on his politics, which Lindholm cited in his private documents and interviews, both contemporary and post-war. The immediate impact of notable Swedish writers, poets especially, such as Verner von Heidenstam, Viktor Rydberg, Esaias Tegnér, and Bertel Gripenberg, is demonstrated. These authors, largely of the Swedish Romantic tradition, are shown to be parts of one major Scandinavian cultural current in particular, namely Gothicism (göticism), manifested through a centuries-long interest in the Old Nordic heritage. In Sweden, the influence of new far-Right ideas that made their way into the country in the 1920s intersected with Gothicism in unique ways, which gave Swedish fascists a peculiar relationship to both fascism and their national heritage. Ultimately, these literary Gothicist influences allowed a particular naturalizing codification of Swedish fascism in the 1930s. Under the influence of, above all, contemporary Finno-Swedish health specialist Are Waerland, Lindholm is shown to have actively shaped Swedish fascism in line with his literary exemplars

Conceptions and Practices of International Fascism in Norway, Sweden and the Netherlands, 1930–40

This article explores conceptions of fascism as an international phenomenon as understood by three political parties of the 1930s: Quisling’s Norwegian Nasjonal Samling (NS), Lindholm’s Swedish Nationalsocialistiska Arbetarepartiet (NSAP) and Mussert’s Dutch Nationaal-Socialistische Beweging (NSB). In order to highlight fascist movements’ contributions to fascist internationalism, the article deploys both a comparative and transnational framework, showing up the national differences in their conceptions of international fascism, regional connections and influences, changes over time and the contingencies of transnational contact that affected the practical establishment of international relationships. It is shown that there was an impetus for international cooperation between fascist movements outside of the orbit of fascist regimes, typically sustained by regional affinities as existed among Northern countries and the Low Countries. While often framed by ambitious rhetoric, ultimately the three parties continued to focus on their own national projects rather than deepen international collaboration. Lastly the movements’ different myths of international fascism are compared, constructed for propagandistic ends, all of which broadly fit within the mould of a new European or even global era which saw the rise of fascism and the (hoped for) victory over ideological enemies such as communism and liberalism

Myth and respectability in Swedish and Dutch fascism, 1931-40

The focus of this thesis is on the process of myth-making (mythopoeia) in the Dutch National Socialist Movement (NSB) and the Swedish National Socialist Workers’ Party (NSAP), using a cultural pragmatic approach to analyse the practicalities and implementation of mythopoeia comparatively. A variety of fascist performances, scripted and unscripted, are considered as having mythopoeic potential, and understood as performative in character, i.e. constituting the thing they claimed to represent. Multiple parts of this mythopoeic process are analysed: the resources, organisation, and technologies required to implement it, and the nature of the process, the events, performances, in other words the actual implementation, and reception by audiences. Secondly, it uses respectability as a means of seeing how in a national context this process was limited, inhibited, or otherwise defined by the standards of the public and media, to which fascists ultimately tried to appeal, thus providing an external perspective on fascist activities to contextualise them. The thesis is divided into four chapters, which deal with the party apparatus, leader myth, political uniforms, and the role of aesthetics and spectacle respectively. Together these chapters explore the relationship between mythopoeia and respectability as refracted through party organisation and administration, as embodied by the ‘charismatic’ fascist Leader, in the day-to-day behaviour and appearance of the rank-and-file, and ultimately the holistic experience of fascist aesthetics, i.e. the fully scripted and organised spectacles of party congresses. Ultimately it is shown that the fascist movements of Sweden and the Netherlands were highly innovative organisations. Mythopoeia had a powerful mobilising capacity, which could make up for the diminutive financial power and low membership figures of fascist parties. Finally it appears that the relationship between myth and respectability was not a straightforward dialectical one, but multivalent, and highly dynamic.N/

Organising National Socialism: Nazi Organisation in Sweden and the Netherlands, 1931–1939

This article compares the party apparatuses of the National Socialist Movement of the Netherlands and the National Socialist Workers’ Party of Sweden. These two parties, founded in the 1930s, both to some extent mimicked the organisational model of Hitler's party in Germany. While this has been frequently noted, the deployment of this model in practice has not been analysed in any detail. The article explores the specific characters of the Swedish and Dutch fascist party organisations diachronically vis-à-vis propaganda, member activism and internal cohesion, highlighting their changes, successes and failures. The comparison reveals that the party apparatus was highly dependent on the specifics of national infrastructure, demographic distribution and urbanisation and the physical landscape, with notable consequences for internal party cohesion and morale. In the final analysis the relative appeal and popularity of the parties is shown party be the result of how the Nazi organisational model was deployed in practice within each national context.</jats:p

Um Império da Grande Holanda? As dimensões internacional e transnacional do fascismo holandês e o NSB, 1922-42: The international and transnational dimensions of Dutch fascism and the NSB, 1922-42

Dutch fascism was marked by an international outlook and character from the outset in the 1920s. Rather than a purely Netherlands affair, it had proponents in multiple countries, particularly Belgium and the East Indies (Indonesia). For many of these, the idea of a Great Netherlands territory uniting all Dutch-speaking nations – Dietsland – was central to their international vision. There were a number of Dutch fascist parties and other organisations spread across the globe which experienced limited success throughout the 1920s, notably Flemish fascists in Belgium, and the reactionary Fatherland Club in the Dutch Indies. The latter was the most important, successfully mobilising the white settler population against perceived weakness in the face of Indonesian nationalism and communism. In the early 1930s they became influenced by fascism. The dominant fascist force of the 1930s however was Anton Mussert’s National Socialist Movement, which became a considerable force in the Netherlands, but proportionally even greater in the East Indies. Permitting mixed-race members in the party, it established integrated branches in the colonies where it became the largest political party. An inclusive culturalist notion of Dietsland was central to the party’s international vision and plans for a future fascist Imperium. It took a broadly positive stance towards the colonial administration, pointing to it as a model of fascist rule. This international Dutch fascism was underpinned by a transnational network of members and colonial administrators and army veterans which moved around the Dutch empire. This had a real impact on the development of party ideology, as leaders had to reckon with the influence of the transnational fascist network. However, ultimately metropolitan chauvinism and white supremacism determined the ultimate failure of Dutch fascism in the Indies and the hollowness of the Dietsland myth.El fascismo neerlandés estuvo marcado por una perspectiva y un carácter internacionales desde sus inicios de la década de 1920. Más que un asunto puramente neerlandés, tenía defensores en múltiples países, especialmente en Bélgica y las Indias Orientales (Indonesia). Para muchos de ellos, la idea de un territorio de la Gran Holanda que uniera a todas las naciones de habla neerlandesa -Dietslandia- era fundamental en su visión internacional. Hubo una serie de partidos fascistas holandeses y otras organizaciones repartidas por todo el mundo que tuvieron un éxito limitado a lo largo de la década de 1920, especialmente los fascistas flamencos en Bélgica y el reaccionario Club de la Patria en las Indias Holandesas. Este último fue el más importante, al movilizar con éxito a la población de colonos blancos contra la debilidad percibida frente al nacionalismo indonesio y el comunismo. A principios de la década de 1930 se vieron influenciados por el fascismo. Sin embargo, la potencia fascista dominante en la década de 1930 fue el Movimiento Nacional Socialista de Anton Mussert, que se convirtió en una fuerza considerable en los Países Bajos, pero proporcionalmente aún mayor en las Indias Orientales. Permitiendo la afiliación de miembros de raza mixta al partido, estableció ramas integradas en las colonias, donde se convirtió en el mayor partido político. Una noción culturalista inclusiva de Dietslandia era fundamental para la visión internacional del partido y los planes para un futuro Imperio fascista. Adoptó una postura ampliamente positiva hacia la administración colonial, señalándola como un modelo de gobierno fascista. Este fascismo neerlandés internacional se apoyaba en una red transnacional de miembros y administradores coloniales y veteranos del ejército que se movían por todo el imperio holandés. Esto tuvo un impacto real en el desarrollo de la ideología del partido, ya que los líderes tuvieron que contar con la influencia de la red fascista transnacional. Sin embargo, en última instancia, el chovinismo metropolitano y el supremacismo blanco determinaron el fracaso final del fascismo holandés en las Indias y la falsedad del mito de Dietsland.O fascismo holandês foi marcado por uma visão e um caráter internacional desde o início nos anos 1920. Ao invés de um caso puramente holandês, teve proponentes em vários países, particularmente na Bélgica e nas Índias Orientais (Indonésia). Para muitos deles, a ideia de um território da Grande Holanda que unisse todas as nações de língua holandesa - Dietsland - era central para sua visão internacional. Havia uma série de partidos fascistas holandeses e outras organizações espalhadas pelo mundo que tiveram um sucesso limitado durante os anos 1920, notadamente os fascistas flamengos na Bélgica, e o reacionário Clube da Pátria nas Índias Holandesas. Este último foi o mais importante, mobilizando com sucesso a população de colonos brancos contra a percepção de fraqueza diante do nacionalismo e do comunismo indonésio. No início da década de 1930, eles se tornaram influenciados pelo fascismo. A força fascista dominante dos anos 30, no entanto, foi o Movimento Nacional Socialista de Anton Mussert, que se tornou uma força considerável na Holanda, mas proporcionalmente ainda maior nas Índias Orientais. Permitindo membros de raças mistas no partido, ele estabeleceu filiais integradas nas colônias onde se tornou o maior partido político. Uma noção culturalista inclusiva de Dietsland era central para a visão e planos internacionais do partido para um futuro Império fascista. Tomou uma posição amplamente positiva em relação à administração colonial, apontando-a como um modelo de governo fascista. Este fascismo internacional holandês era sustentado por uma rede transnacional de membros e administradores coloniais e veteranos do exército que se movimentavam em torno do império holandês. Isto teve um impacto real no desenvolvimento da ideologia partidária, pois os líderes tiveram que contar com a influência da rede fascista transnacional. No entanto, o chauvinismo metropolitano e a supremacia branca determinaram o fracasso final do fascismo holandês nas Índias e a ocosidade do mito Dietsland