La France en quête de confiance : la construction des émotions dans les voeux des hommes politiques pour la nouvelle année

With the development of political communication over the Internet, a growing number of the French politicians are posting online their New Year’s Messages, which have been so far a genre of political discourse reserved for the President. These speeches have a similar pattern, which apart from wishes include an evaluation of the passing year and plans for the future. This is so, because the New Year’s Messages have primarily a persuasive function, and serve the purpose of strengthening the addressees’ group identity by reminding them of common values. However, while the President’s speech is strongly ritualized and emotionally balanced – as it is addressed to the whole nation – the online speeches are not subject to certain conventions, which allows the politicians to adjust the tone of their speech to the expectations of their supporters. Therefore a whole range of feelings is applied – from the fear of France falling, to national pride – depending on the political aims which are to be achieved. This article makes an attempt at answering the question in which way these emotions are constructed within the speeches, and which persuasive function they embody. The author adopts the perspective of argument analysis in discourse (Amossy, 2000; Plantin, 2011), which perceives emotions as a rhetoric means (pathos) whose aim is to influence the addressee.With the development of political communication over the Internet, a growing number of the French politicians are posting online their New Year’s Messages, which have been so far a genre of political discourse reserved for the President. These speeches have a similar pattern, which apart from wishes include an evaluation of the passing year and plans for the future. This is so, because the New Year’s Messages have primarily a persuasive function, and serve the purpose of strengthening the addressees’ group identity by reminding them of common values. However, while the President’s speech is strongly ritualized and emotionally balanced – as it is addressed to the whole nation – the online speeches are not subject to certain conventions, which allows the politicians to adjust the tone of their speech to the expectations of their supporters. Therefore a whole range of feelings is applied – from the fear of France falling, to national pride – depending on the political aims which are to be achieved. This article makes an attempt at answering the question in which way these emotions are constructed within the speeches, and which persuasive function they embody. The author adopts the perspective of argument analysis in discourse (Amossy, 2000; Plantin, 2011), which perceives emotions as a rhetoric means (pathos) whose aim is to influence the addressee

L’analyse du discours des élections présidentielles en Pologne

Le discours des élections présidentielles est en Pologne un objet de description depuis 1990. Dans les sciences politiques et de la communication, la sociologie et la rhétorique, il est toujours situé par rapport au langage de la propagande communiste dans les années soixante-dix/quatre-vingt. L’analyse du discours des présidentielles est centrée sur les débats télévisés entre les candidats, elle est interdisciplinaire, emprunte ses outils à la rhétorique et se préoccupe de la dimension éthique de la communication politique.The discourse of Polish presidential election campaigns has been studied in Poland since the 1990s. Investigators in the fields of political science, communication science, sociology and rhetoric always compare it with the speech used in Communist propaganda in the 1970s and 1980s. The analysis of the discourse used during the presidential elections concentrates on the televised debate between candidates, is interdiciplinary in scope, draws on the tools of rhetoric and attaches great importance to the ethical dimension of political communication.El discurso de las campañas presidenciales polacas constituye en Polonia un objeto de estudio desde el principio de los años noventa. Las ciencias políticas y de la comunicación, la sociología y la retórica suelen tomar como punto de referencia el lenguaje de la propaganda comunista de los años 1970-1980. El análisis del discurso de las campañas presidenciales se centra en los debates televisivos entre los candidatos, es interdisciplinario, toma las herramientas de la retórica y se preocupa por la dimensión ética de la comunicación política

Prenatalne podejrzenie - postnatalne rozpoznanie wady układu moczowego u dzieci

Background: Introduction of prenatal ultrasonography (USG) in fetus diagnostic caused early detection of congenital urinary tract abnormalities. Dilatation of renal pelvis, which is detected in ultrasonography from 16 week of gestational age is the most common abnormality in fetal urinary tract. The aim of the study was to assess the frequency of congenital abnormalities in urinary tract in children with prenatal suspicion of anomalies. Material/Methods: The retrospective study included 100 children with prenatal suspicion of congenital abnormalities in urinary tract. Changes in urinary tract were detected in ultrasonography between 18-41 (mean 32,6±5,6) week of gestational age. Unilateral dilatation of urinary tract was found in 57% fetuses, bilateral dilatation in 31%, others anomalies in 12% fetuses. Results: Ultrasonography of urinary tract was done in all children in 1-122 (mean 17,5±20,5) day of life, cystourethrography in 93% of children, renal dynamic scintygraphy in 52%, renal static scintygraphy in 16% and urography in 39% of children. Congenital urinary tract abnormalities were detected in 63% of children. Transient dilatation of renal pelvis was observed in 25% of children. We didn't find any abnormalities in 12% patients. The most common changes in urinary tract were: ureteropelvic junction obstruction (22%), vesicoureteral reflux (15%), ureterovesical junction obstruction (7%), posterior urethral valve (7%) and polycystic renal dysplasia (7%). 33% children were qualified for invasive treatment. Conclusions: 1. Prenatal and postnatal ultrasonography of urinary tract allows detecting congenital abnormalities of urinary tract early age of life. 2. High percentage of abnormalities in urinary tract detected in prenatal ultrasonography orders cooperation between neonatologist, urologist and nephrologist

Names of condominiums and housing estates – between the urban toponym and the commercial name

The article, which combines the perspective of onomastics and urban sociolinguistics, is an attempt at characterising a special category of proper names, which consists of the names of developers’ investments – condominiums and housing estates. On the one hand, they can be analysed as place names, as a type of urban toponyms, on the other hand, they can be treated as names of products for sale, as commercial names. As place names, they should embody the location features of the real estate, as well as be part of the toponym system of a given city. As commercial names, they should above all perform a persuasive function, creating in the mind of a receiver an attractive vision of a place of living. The aim of the article is to analyse the way in which the naming strategies applied by developers reflect this dual requirement of creating names which embody the characteristics of both urban toponyms and commercial names, on the basis of the corpus of names of investments carried out in France and in Poland.Udostępnienie publikacji Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego finansowane w ramach projektu „Doskonałość naukowa kluczem do doskonałości kształcenia”. Projekt realizowany jest ze środków Europejskiego Funduszu Społecznego w ramach Programu Operacyjnego Wiedza Edukacja Rozwój; nr umowy: POWER.03.05.00-00-Z092/17-00

The gentle smile of the iron ladies... The gender argument in the discourse on female politicians in socio-political press

Artykuł dotyczy ambiwalentego charakteru dyskursu na temat kobiet polityków w tygodnikach społecznopolitycznych, takich jak „Polityka”, „Newsweek”, „Wprost”, w których neutralny opis politycznej działalności kobiet przeplata się z określeniami nacechowanymi płciowo. Płeć, wraz z przypisaną jej kulturową tożsamością, staje się argumentem różnicującym język opisu — począwszy od asymetrycznego użycia form adresatywnych określających polityków obu płci, poprzez związki frazeologiczne i metafory przywołujące stereotypowe figury kobiecości, aż po interpretację politycznych wydarzeń w kategoriach erotycznych i psychologicznych.The article is about the ambivalent nature of the discourse on female politicians in socio-political weeklies such as ‘Polityka’, ‘Newsweek’, ‘Wprost’, where a neutral description of political activism of women is intertwined with gender-biased terms. Gender, with the cultural identity ascribed to it, becomes the argument differentiating the language of description — starting from an asymmetric use of the forms of address describing politicians of both sexes, collocations and metaphors illustrating stereotypical female figures, to the interpretation of political events in erotic and psychological categories

Anredeformen als Mittel offener und verborgener Geringschätzung von Politikerinnen im polnischen politisch-medialen Diskurs

Interactions between politicians in the media frequently take on a polemical character, working to discredit an opponent in the eyes of the audience. Yet a verbal assault, especially if launched at a female politician, can negatively affect the public image of the sender. Therefore, male politicians tend to resort to less overt means of depreciating their female opponents, such as forms of address (FA). This article sets out to show how the choice of particular terms of address, disguised as courtesy forms, results in overt or covert stigmatization of female political opponents. The persuasive use of FA is facilitated by the malleability of the Polish system of forms of address – a system that reflects broader changes in the public discourse, such as the extensive use of colloquialisms and loosening of the language etiquette.Interaktionen zwischen Politikern erfolgen mittels der Medien und nehmen häufig den Charakter der Polemik an, die dazu dient, den Gegner in den Augen der Zuschauer/Hörer zu diskreditieren. Der unmittelbare verbale Angriff, vor allem gegenüber einer Politikerin, kann jedoch auch das öffentliche Image des Senders ungünstig beeinflussen. Daher auch versuchen männliche Politiker gegenüber ihren Opponentinnen weniger deutliche Mittel zu deren Geringschätzung anzuwenden, zu denen u. a. Anredeformen (AF) gehören. Der Artikel zeigt, wie die Wahl dieser Formen der offenen oder der unter dem Deckmantel der Höflichkeit verborgenen Stigmatisierung der weiblichen Identität politischer Gegnerinnen dient. Die persuasive Anwendung der AF ist durch die wachsende Flexibilität des polnischen Anredesystems begünstigt, die die Widerspiegelung solcher im öffentlichen Diskurs vorkommenden Erscheinungen ist, wie die Expansion der Umgangssprache sowie die Vereinfachung der Sprachetikette.Interakcje między politykami odbywające się za pośrednictwem mediów przybierają najczęściej charakter polemiczny, służąc zdyskredytowaniu politycznego przeciwnika w oczach odbiorców. Bezpośredni atak werbalny, zwłaszcza wobec polityka kobiety, może jednak niekorzystnie wpłynąć także na publiczny wizerunek nadawcy. Dlatego też politycy mężczyźni starają się stosować wobec swoich oponentek mniej wyraziste środki deprecjacji, do których należą m.in. formy adresatywne (FA). Artykuł pokazuje, w jaki sposób dobór tych form służy jawnej lub ukrytej, pod pozorami grzeczności, stygmatyzacji kobiecej tożsamości politycznych przeciwniczek. Perswazyjnemu użyciu FA sprzyja przy tym coraz większa elastyczność polskiego systemu adresatywnego, która jest odzwierciedleniem takich zjawisk zachodzących w dyskursie publicznym, jak ekspansja potoczności oraz uproszczenie etykiety językowej

DON-induced changes in bone homeostasis in mink dams

Introduction: The aim of the study was to investigate the mechanical and geometric properties as well as bone tissue and mineral density of long bones in mink dams exposed to deoxynivalenol (DON) since one day after mating, throughout gestation (ca. 46 d) and lactation to pelt harvesting. Material and Methods: Thirty clinically healthy multiparous minks (Neovison vison) of the standard dark brown type were used. After the mating, the minks were randomly assigned into two equal groups: nontreated control group and DON group fed wheat contaminated naturally with DON at a concentration of 1.1 mg·kg-1 of feed. Results: The final body weight and weight and length of the femur did not differ between the groups. However, DON contamination decreased mechanical endurance of the femur. Furthermore, DON reduced the mean relative wall thickness and vertical wall thickness of the femur, while vertical cortical index, midshaft volume, and cross-sectional moment of inertia increased. Finally, DON contamination did not alter bone tissue density, bone mineral density, or bone mineral content, but decreased the values of all investigated structural and material properties. Conclusion: DON at applied concentration probably intensified the process of endosteal resorption, which was the main reason for bone wall thinning and the weakening of the whole bone

Discours présidentiels et de présidentielles

Ce numéro spécial de notre revue est entièrement consacré aux discours présidentiels et de présidentielles. Il s’agit de proposer une recension de recherches prenant pour objets les discours de titulaires de la fonction présidentielle ou ceux de personnes de tout statut intervenant dans la compétition présidentielle, que ce soit pour y participer ou pour en rendre compte. Une série d’articles courts, signés de spécialistes reconnus, traite de la France, mais aussi d’autres pays dont le premier personnage de l’État est élu au suffrage universel, comme l’Argentine, les États-Unis, la Pologne ou le Portugal. Ces synthèses seront utiles aux spécialistes, mais aussi à quiconque voudra prendre quelque distance vis-à-vis de l’actualité immédiate. This Special issue of our journal is entirely devoted to presidential speeches and presidential electoral campaigns. It proposes a research recension taking as objects speeches of holders of the presidential office or those of various categories who intervene in the presidential contest, whether to take part in it or to report about it. A series of short articles, signed by recognised experts, will deal with France, but also other countries whose head of the state is elected by universal suffrage, such as Argentina, the United States, Poland and Portugal. These syntheses will be useful to specialists but also to whoever will take some distance towards the immediate news. 112, número especial de nuestra revista : es totalmente dedicado a los discursos presidenciales y de las elecciones presidenciales. Se trata de proponer una reseña de investigaciones cuyo objetos son los discursos de los titulares de la función presidencial o los de las personas de todo tipo de estatuto que intervienen en la competición presidencial, como participantes o para comunicar información. Una serie de artículos cortos, firmados por especialistas reconocidos, tiene como objeto Francia, pero también otros países cuyo primer representante del Estado es elegido al sufragio universal, como Argentina, Estados Unidos, Polonia o Portugal. Estas síntesis no son solamente útiles para los especialistas, pero para el que quiere también tomar alguna distancia con la actualidad inmediata

Discours présidentiels et de présidentielles

Ce numéro spécial de notre revue est entièrement consacré aux discours présidentiels et de présidentielles. Il s’agit de proposer une recension de recherches prenant pour objets les discours de titulaires de la fonction présidentielle ou ceux de personnes de tout statut intervenant dans la compétition présidentielle, que ce soit pour y participer ou pour en rendre compte. Une série d’articles courts, signés de spécialistes reconnus, traite de la France, mais aussi d’autres pays dont le premier personnage de l’État est élu au suffrage universel, comme l’Argentine, les États-Unis, la Pologne ou le Portugal. Ces synthèses seront utiles aux spécialistes, mais aussi à quiconque voudra prendre quelque distance vis-à-vis de l’actualité immédiate. This Special issue of our journal is entirely devoted to presidential speeches and presidential electoral campaigns. It proposes a research recension taking as objects speeches of holders of the presidential office or those of various categories who intervene in the presidential contest, whether to take part in it or to report about it. A series of short articles, signed by recognised experts, will deal with France, but also other countries whose head of the state is elected by universal suffrage, such as Argentina, the United States, Poland and Portugal. These syntheses will be useful to specialists but also to whoever will take some distance towards the immediate news. 112, número especial de nuestra revista : es totalmente dedicado a los discursos presidenciales y de las elecciones presidenciales. Se trata de proponer una reseña de investigaciones cuyo objetos son los discursos de los titulares de la función presidencial o los de las personas de todo tipo de estatuto que intervienen en la competición presidencial, como participantes o para comunicar información. Una serie de artículos cortos, firmados por especialistas reconocidos, tiene como objeto Francia, pero también otros países cuyo primer representante del Estado es elegido al sufragio universal, como Argentina, Estados Unidos, Polonia o Portugal. Estas síntesis no son solamente útiles para los especialistas, pero para el que quiere también tomar alguna distancia con la actualidad inmediata