Social and Economic Study of Medieval London. Final Report to ESRC on Stage 2 (Aldgate Project)

The aim of the research was to investigate the character and development of the eastern suburb of the city of London from the time of the earliest detailed written records (c.1100) up to the Great Fire of 1666. This was to be done by reconstructing the history and topography of the houses, gardens and other properties in the area so that it would be possible to trace changing patterns in the use of land and buildings and in the social and occupational character of those who owned and used them. The work builds on that of Stage 1 of the project (five parishes in the Cheapside area of London). This report outlines, the methodology, sources and data collected, together with conclusions arising from the study

Social and Economic Study of Medieval London: The Walbrook Study A Summary Report with Appendix (containing property histories and indexes)

Summary report on a project studying, principally from the records of property holding, the history of the Walbrook area of the City of London up to the Great Fire of 1666. The Walbrook study area, comprising the ancient parishes of St Benet Sherehog, St Mary Woolchurch, St Mildred Poultry and St Stephen Walbrook, lies at the heart of the modern city of London. It includes Mansion House and the headquarters of several important financial institutions. It immediately adjoins the Bank of England and the Royal Exchange.Over virtually the entire period before the Great Fire, the Walbrook area was distinguished by the continuing involvement of its inhabitants in a changing range of specialised commodity trades, by its public market, and by the large houses of a small number of wealthy residents. This report summarises some of the results of the study based on a reconstruction, primarily from documentary sources, of the history of each house or other property in the area, providing a unique insight into the changing physical conditions of life of the citizens of London, and into their business and social affairs. A small sample of this material is presented in the Appendix, which contains histories of the church of St Mary Woolchurch and of the properties in the block bounded by the streets now known as Poultry and Bucklersbury, an index of property holders and a series of reconstructions maps covering the period from AD 1200 onwards

Fieldwork@40: fieldwork in geography higher education

This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Journal of Geography in Higher Education on 9th September 2018, available online: 10.1080/03098265.2018.1515187Fieldwork is the most powerful learning invitation in the toolkit of Geographical Education. This review of papers in The Journal of Geography in Higher Education (JGHE) suggests seven modes in the development of fieldwork. These are arrayed as a kind of historical, perhaps evolutionary, sequence but most remain current in Geography fieldwork practice. At the far end (1960s) of the sequence are didactic modes that are teacher centred and use the field as an adjunct to the classroom, in the middle (1990s) are modes that involve active learning and focus on the development of students as investigators and at the near end (2010s) are those that centred on the field study area and its qualities, that involve concern about the ethics of student engagement and that employ blended learning technologies. The review charts the JGHE’s gradual shift away from its original, almost exclusively, UK-focus toward something rather more international and inclusive. Fieldwork is where Geographers learn “from doing” Geography to “do” Geography. Its special attributes include providing experiential, sometimes transformative, learning through the immersion of the learner in the field experience. In 40 years, JGHE has helped Geography Fieldwork move from the margins of the curriculum to its current place at its core

Atrial fibrillation genetic risk differentiates cardioembolic stroke from other stroke subtypes

AbstractObjectiveWe sought to assess whether genetic risk factors for atrial fibrillation can explain cardioembolic stroke risk.MethodsWe evaluated genetic correlations between a prior genetic study of AF and AF in the presence of cardioembolic stroke using genome-wide genotypes from the Stroke Genetics Network (N = 3,190 AF cases, 3,000 cardioembolic stroke cases, and 28,026 referents). We tested whether a previously-validated AF polygenic risk score (PRS) associated with cardioembolic and other stroke subtypes after accounting for AF clinical risk factors.ResultsWe observed strong correlation between previously reported genetic risk for AF, AF in the presence of stroke, and cardioembolic stroke (Pearson’s r=0.77 and 0.76, respectively, across SNPs with p &lt; 4.4 × 10−4 in the prior AF meta-analysis). An AF PRS, adjusted for clinical AF risk factors, was associated with cardioembolic stroke (odds ratio (OR) per standard deviation (sd) = 1.40, p = 1.45×10−48), explaining ∼20% of the heritable component of cardioembolic stroke risk. The AF PRS was also associated with stroke of undetermined cause (OR per sd = 1.07, p = 0.004), but no other primary stroke subtypes (all p &gt; 0.1).ConclusionsGenetic risk for AF is associated with cardioembolic stroke, independent of clinical risk factors. Studies are warranted to determine whether AF genetic risk can serve as a biomarker for strokes caused by AF.</jats:sec

Changes in London's economic hinterland as indicated by debt cases in the Court of Common Pleas

Paper given at a conference organised by the Centre for Metropolitan History and supported by the Economic and Social Research Council, 7 July 199

Feeding Medieval European Cities, 600-1500

Paper given at European History [E-seminars

Feeding Medieval European Cities, 600-1500

Paper given at European History [E-seminars

The property market in English towns, A.D. 1 100-1600

Derek Keene, The property market in English towns, A.D. 1100-1600, p. 201-226. By 1100 England had a good number of populous towns. A monetized urban property market, based on high land values, already existed by the 10th century. Extensive records survive from the 12th century onwards, and are now being used in ways which make it possible reliably to compare the values of properties over time, and between different localities. Trends in values reflect a complex interaction between demographic, economic, and political change. Town-dwellers displayed a consistent response to the property market throughout the period. Urban property was a means of storing rather than of creating wealth, and its use by private individuals was closely related to career- and life- cycles. The fragmentation of holdings (especially in the period up to 1300) and highly differentiated values, both produced by the market, profondly influenced the physical appearance and the social topography of towns. Legal changes altered the structure of urban estates, making it possible for landlords to maintain control over their holdings in the long term. After 1600, newly built-up areas could thus take on a new form, contrasting with the fragmented pattern of the older urban centres.Keene Derek. The property market in English towns, A.D. 1 100-1600. In: D'une ville à l'autre. Structures matérielles et organisation de l'espace dans les villes européennes (XIIIe-XVIe siècle) Actes du colloque de Rome (1er-4 décembre 1986) Rome : École Française de Rome, 1989. pp. 201-226. (Publications de l'École française de Rome, 122

The property market in English towns, A.D. 1 100-1600

Derek Keene, The property market in English towns, A.D. 1100-1600, p. 201-226. By 1100 England had a good number of populous towns. A monetized urban property market, based on high land values, already existed by the 10th century. Extensive records survive from the 12th century onwards, and are now being used in ways which make it possible reliably to compare the values of properties over time, and between different localities. Trends in values reflect a complex interaction between demographic, economic, and political change. Town-dwellers displayed a consistent response to the property market throughout the period. Urban property was a means of storing rather than of creating wealth, and its use by private individuals was closely related to career- and life- cycles. The fragmentation of holdings (especially in the period up to 1300) and highly differentiated values, both produced by the market, profondly influenced the physical appearance and the social topography of towns. Legal changes altered the structure of urban estates, making it possible for landlords to maintain control over their holdings in the long term. After 1600, newly built-up areas could thus take on a new form, contrasting with the fragmented pattern of the older urban centres.Keene Derek. The property market in English towns, A.D. 1 100-1600. In: D'une ville à l'autre. Structures matérielles et organisation de l'espace dans les villes européennes (XIIIe-XVIe siècle) Actes du colloque de Rome (1er-4 décembre 1986) Rome : École Française de Rome, 1989. pp. 201-226. (Publications de l'École française de Rome, 122