Causes of Terrorism

Istraživanje političkog nasilja, uključujući terorizam, moguće je općenito podijeliti u dvije faze: u prvoj, kvantitativnoj, istraživanja su tražila odgovore na pitanje: tko je što učinio, kada i gdje. Takav se pristup mnogo upotrebljavao u literaturi društvenih nauka. Druga faza vodi k produbljenom istraživanju ljudskog ponašanja postavljajući pitanja o tome zašto određene osobe učestvuju u terorističkim akcijama ili akcijama političkog nasilja. Usprkos činjenici da se uzročnost ne može generalizirati do stupnja u kojem postaje neprimjenjiva, istraživanje uzroka pokazalo se mnogo probitačnijim. Ono omogućava istraživanje problema rješavanja političkog nasilja kroz proces tretiranja njegovih uzroka, umjesto da se orijentira na kažnjavanje zbog njegovih konzekvenci. Osim toga, čini se pomak od deskribiranja i kategoriziranja onoga što se desilo k predviđanju onoga što će se najvjerojatnije dogoditi. Podaci o političkom nasilju koji su već prikupljeni i sistematizirani čine dobar okvir za istraživanje njegovih uzroka. Međutim, zahtjev znanstvene objektivnosti traži oprez kada se analiziraju takvi podaci; informacije često nisu objektivne, a statistika je često nekomparabilna. To je istodobno i jedan indikator da konsensus o tome što je zapravo političko nasilje još nije postignut. Objektivni kriterij za njegovo definiranje često je dopunjen subjektivnim konotacijama, kao što su motivi, težnje i percepcije istraživača i javnosti uopće. Identifikacija uzroka političkog nasilja u posljednje vrijeme privlači mnogo pažnje u literaturi o terorizmu. U osnovi, postoje četiri tipa terorizma determinirana uzrocima. Na prvom je mjestu potrebno uzeti u obzir politički i ideološki terorizam koji je često povezan s pojavom strategije nove ljevice. Drugo, terorizam je također jedan od konzekvenci etničkih i rasnih separatističkih ili emancipatorskih pokreta. Treći je tip karakterističan za aspiracije marginaliziranih društvenih slojeva kao što su studenti na pretrpanim univerzitetima, nezaposleni radnici ili radnici — migranti. Četvrti tip moguće je definirati kao patološki terorizam u koji je moguće svrstati i kriminalne terorističke akcije. Iako terorizam ne može biti objašnjen jednim određenim brojem uzroka, budući da objašnjenje mora računati na veći broj uzroka od četiri spomenute klasifikacije, može to poslužiti za početak identifikacije njegovih uzroka.Research on political violence, including terrorism, can broadly be divided into two phases: the first one, quantitative, could be described as seeking answers to questions: who did what, when and how. That one has been extensively dealt with in the current social science literature. The second phase leads into a more thorough research of human behaviour by posing the dilemma why did particular people do such a thing as an act of terrorism or a political murder. In spite of the fact that causality cannot be traced all the way neither generalized without becoming inapplicable, research on causes is far more advantageous. It enables us to look for more definite solutions for the problems of political violence by curing its causes instead of merely punishing for its consequences. Besides, we are thus moving from describing and categorizing what has happened to predicting what is likely to happen. Data on political violence, already gathered and systematized, form the framework for research of its causes. However, the quest for scientific objectivity requires utmost caution when analyzing such data: information is often biased, statistics are frequently incomparable. That is an indication that consensus on what political violence really is has not yet been reached. Objective criteria for its definition are generally supplemented by subjective connotations, such as motives and aims of the perpetrators and perceptions of researchers or of the general public. Identification of causes of political violence has recently gained much attention in literature on terrorism. There are basically four types of terrorism determined by the causes established so far. First, we have to take account political and/or ideological terrorism often tied to the appearance and strategy of the New Left. Secondly, terrorism is also one of the consequences of ethnic and racial separatist or emancipatory movements. The third type could be attributed to socio-economic conditions and aspirations of marginalized social strata, such as students at over-crowded universities, the unemployed or migrant-workers. The fourth type could be defined as pathological terrorism, and criminal terrorist acts can be subsumed into that category. Although terrorism cannot be explained by one set of causes only, as it usually falls into more than one type of the four enumerated above, such a classification serves as a beginning of identification of its causes

Energy Crisis or Development Crisis – an Outline of Dilemmas

Česte konstatacije o energetskoj krizi ograničavaju se na tehničko-tehnološki pristup u rješenjima koja nude. Energetska kriza tretira se kao ograničavajući faktor budućeg društvenog razvoja, a ne kao problem društvenog izbora. Ovaj tekst pledira za promjenom načina postavljanja problema: ističe se da energetska kriza predstavlja samo jednu dimenziju krize prevladavajućeg obrasca razvoja, a time i zapreku za njegovo produžavanje u budućnosti za veći dio svijeta. Stoga se tezi da je energetska kriza jedan od uzroka današnje krize dodaje tvrdnja da je ona istovremeno posljedica primjenjivanog, a najrasprostranjenijeg, modela razvoja utemeljenog na poticanju ekonomskog rasta i konzumerizma. Suzbijanje posljedice krize restriktivnom politikom ostaju unutar postojeće strategije razvoja, ne tragajući za kvalitativno drugačijim rješenjima. Tekst sadrži primjere iz planova razvoja kojima se argumentira postavljena teza o tome da je cjelokupan tehnološki razvoj, uključujući energetsku politiku, izvan sfere društvenih pretpostavki, izbora i implikacija. Budući da se i ljudske potrebe podvrgavaju općeusvojenom imperativu rasta, a u planiranju razvoja prevladavaju kvantitativni aspekti, konflikti ljudskih potreba i nezadovoljene potrebe ne nalaze mjesta u raspravama o rješavanju energetske krize.Frequent considerations of the energy crisis confine themselves to technical-technological approach in designing solutions. The energy crisis is being treated as a factor constraining the future social development, but not as a matter of societal option. The article pleads for a change within the approach to the problem: it emphasizes that energy crisis is only one dimension of the crisis of the dominant development pattern, therefore it is also an obstacle for its future application for larger part of the world. Accordingly, the assertion of energy crisis being a cause of the current crisis is supported by an additional one stating that energy crisis is at the same time a consequence of the practiced, widely spread, model of development based on fostering economic growth and consumerism. Restrictive policies aimed at suppression of the consequences of energy crisis remain within the existing development strategy, not endevouring to change it by seeking qualitatively different solutions. The article includes examples from development plans which illustrate the introductory assertion of the entire technological development, including energy policy, being outside of the realm of social preconditions, societal option and social implications. As human needs are also subjected to the dominant growth imperative, while development plans generally adhere to quantitative dimensions in planning, conflicts of human needs and situations of deprivation (of unsatisfied needs) are not dealt with within discussions concerning solutions for the energy crisis

Los derechos de las mujeres: de la prohibición a la eliminación de la discriminación

En los últimos cinco decenios se han logrado muchas cosas, que hoy damos por sentado, con el fin de prohibir y eliminar las discriminaciones de género. Siglos de negación legalizada de la igualdad de derechos de las mujeres se olvidan fácilmente. A las mujeres se les concedió el derecho al voto en Nueva Zelanda en 1893, hace sólo 105 años, y se les otorgó el derecho a ser elegidas en Finlandia en 1908, hace tan sólo 90 años. A lo largo de los últimos cinco decenios, estas excepciones se han convertido en una regla, aunque en ciertos casos dicha regla aún es cuestionada