Synthesis of potassium–sodium niobate (KNN) from NbO2

KxNa1-xNbO3 (0 0.5) was obtained from 8 M total hydroxide concentration after 6 h of reaction at 200 °C. Rietveld refinement of the XRD data revealed that all samples exhibited the secondary NaNbO3 phase. However, the lowest amount (3.74 vol%) was obtained for 24 h of reaction under 10 M alkaline solution. After 3 h of reaction, dodecahedra shaped hexaniobate phase (KxNa8-xNb6O19.nH2O) was observed. Those structures were, subsequently, replaced by ~3 μm cube shaped KNN crystals, obtained under 10 M reaction in 24 h time period

From Deterrence to Pre-Emption

International terrorism is a matter of growing concern to governmentssince the 1980s. According to the United States, international terrorism becamemore dangerous in this new century, now that rouge states are acquiring WMD.How can we deter rouge states from resorting to WMD attacks? Before it is toolate to act, the US decision is to remove this danger. Traditional Cold Warapproaches in deterrence policy are no more used. US policy is to apply preemptivestrike against rouge states believed to develop WMD. This articleexamines pre-emptive strike strategy in the struggle against internationalterrorism. It is divided into two sections. The first part involves conceptualanalysis of the term pre-emptive strike and its recognition in the UN. Thesecond section reviews some of the critics of this strategy. Rather thanevaluating if the pre-emptive strike is right or wrong, it is an attempt to explain the changes in US policy.Uluslararası terör 1980'lerden sonra hükümetler için gittikçe artanöneme sahip olmustur. ABD'ye gore yeni yüzyılda haydut devletler kitle imhasilahlarına sahip olmaya baslayınca uluslararası terör daha tehlike halegelmistir. Haydut devletlerin kitle imha silahları kullanarak saldırmasına nasılengel olabiliriz? ABD bu tehlikenin geç olmadan ortadan kaldırılması görüsündedir. Klasik Soğuk Savas dönemi caydırma politikaları artık geçerlideğildir. ABD politikası kitle imha silahları üretildiği varsayulan bu haydutdevletlere karsı önlem alıcı müdahale yapılması yönündedir. Bu makaledeuluslararası terörle mücadelede önlem alıcı saldırı stratejisi incelenmistir.Makale iki bölümden olusmustur. Älk bölümde önlem alıcı müdahele ile ilgilikavramsal analiz ve Birlesmis Milletler'de tanınması yer almıstır. Äkincibölümde bu strateji ile ilgili bazı kritiklere yer verilmistir. Bu çalısma önlemalıcı müdahalenin doğru veya yanlıs olup olmadığının analizinden ziyadeAmerikan politikasındaki değisimi göstermeye çalısmaktadır

DEBATES ON HEGEMONIC ORDER AND CRITICAL PERSPECTIVES

Bu makalenin amacı, uluslararası ekonomi politikteki yakın zamandaki eleştirel görüşleri de dikkate alarak, hegemonik düzen hakkındaki tartışmaların kapsamlı olarak analizidir. İlk bölümde uluslararası ekonomi politikteki geleneksel düşünceleri oluşturan liberalizm, Marksizm ve merkantilizm yaklaşımları ve onların hegemonya görüşleri açıklanmaktadır. Gramşiyanlar tarafından geleneksel hegemonya yaklaşımına karşı çıkan eleştirel görüşler geliştirilmiştir. İkinci bölümde, geleneksel görüşlerden farklılık yaratan Antonio Gramsci'nin hegemonya kavramına kazandırdığı anlam ve ondan etkilenen Robert W. Cox tarafından geliştirilen kavramsal çerçeve açıklanmaktadır. Son olarak, neo- Gramşiyan görüşlerin güncel öncelikleri ve eleştirileri verilirken, benzer ve farklı noktalar saptanmaktadır. Sonuç olarak, uluslararası alanda hegemonik düzen geleneksel görüşten farklı olarak toplumsal güçler-devlet biçimleri-dünya düzenleri ilişkisi içinde ele alındığında, uluslararası ekonomi politikte yakın zamandaki küreselleşme ile ilgili tartışmalara farklı bir boyut kazandırmaktadır. The aim of this article is to inclusively analyze the debates on hegemonic order, also taking into consideration recent critical thoughts in international political economy (IPE). In the first section, the three conceptions of classical IPE, which are liberalism, Marxism and mercantilism, and their notions of hegemony are explained. Gramscians have developed critical views on hegemony, which contradicts to the classical hegemony approach. In the second section, the meaning of hegemony as developed by Antonio Gramsci, which is different than classical conceptions, as well as the conceptual framework developed by his follower Robert W. Cox are explained. Lastly, as the contemporary priorities and challenges of neo-Gramscian perspectives in IPE studies are given, similarities and differences are indicated. As a conclusion, when the notion of hegemonic order in international realm is considered as a relation between social forces-state structures-world order, which is different than traditional approaches, it brings a new aspect to the contemporary discussions on globalization in IPE

From "Multilateral Engagement" to "New Unilateralism"

In US foreign policy, since 2001 there was a great change from"multilateral engagement" of the Clinton administration to "new unilateralism"of the Bush administration. Unilateralism is not a new approach for US foreignpolicy. But new unilateralism has some specific characteristics such as changein the policy of deterrence, the emphasis on preemption, on the US power, willto act alone and advancing democracy. There are critics inside and outside theUnited States about this strategy. This paper focuses upon the changes in USforeign policy. It argues that 9/11 terrorism is not a cause in the change of USpolicy but rather an opportunity to change.ABD dıs politikasında 2001 yılından baslayarak Clinton yönetiminin"çok taraflı katılım" politikasından Bush yönetiminin "yeni tek taraflılık"politikasına doğru bir büyük değisim yasanmıstır. Tek taraflılık ABD dıspolitikasında ilk defa görülen bir yaklasım değildir. Fakat yeni tek taraflılıkstratejisi, caydırma politikasındaki değisim, önleyici müdahaleninvurgulanması, Amerikanın gücü ve yalnız hareket etme isteği ve demokrasininyayılması isteği gibi bazı özellikler tasımaktadır. ABD içinde ve dısında bupolitikaya elestirel görüsler bulunmaktadır. Bu çalısma ABD dıs politikasındaki değisimi incelemektdir. 11 Eylül terör hareketlerinin ABD poltikasındakideğisime yol açmadığını fakat değisim için bir fırsat olduğunu belirtmektedir

Climate-Related Migration: Formulating a Contemporary Framework

This article elaborates on the theoretical foundations as well as the empirical outputs of climaterelated migration and formulates a contemporary framework in analyzing this subject. There has been a paradigm shift from securitizing climate-related migration towards an emphasis on adaptation, resilience and justice. While it is still possible to talk about security-oriented discourses based on the realist approach, climate change has increasingly been recognized as a threat multiplier rather than a sole primary threat. In the meantime, the liberal approach has embraced adaptation, resilience and climate justice discourses about climate refugees. On the empirical front, climate-related migration is observed mainly in South Asia, the Pacific and Africa

Attitudes of the International Community toward Irans Nuclear Puzzle

This article aims to interrogate the attitudes of the US, the EU/EU-3, Russia and China, on Irans nuclear programme. The underlying question is whether there can be a consensus in the international community for a comprehensive settlement. In trying to provide answer to this question first, the article briefly reviews Iranian motives and foreign assistance in the development of Irans nuclear programme. Secondly, focusing separately on the US, the EU/EU-3, Russia and China, a comparative analysis is employed for delineating similarities and differences in their attitudes and concerns since the 1979 Iranian Revolution. This article arrived at a tentative conclusion on the basis that the debate is likely to continue, as there is no common attitude toward Irans nuclear puzzle in the international community

Interpreting Turkey's Middle East Policy in the Last Decade

Within the Middle East, various forces have tried to impose alternative orders. Turkey is among a number of key players in the region. Since 2002, Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party has shown an increasing interest in the Middle East. This article accepts that there has been a change in Turkish foreign policy since 2002 and attempts to contribute to the previous studies on this issue. It argues that Turkey desires to be a regional power in the Middle East, shaping its vision through a value-based and principled approach. To clarify this vision, the article analyzes the core values and principles defined in Turkish foreign policy in the last decade, which constitute Turkey's international identity in the Middle East. The article concludes that there have been mainly tactical changes in Turkish foreign policy in general, and towards the Middle East in particular

Hegemonik Düzen Tartışmaları ve Eleştirel Görüşler (Debates on Hegemonic Order and Critical Perspectives)

The aim of this article is to inclusively analyze the debates on hegemonic order, also taking into consideration recent critical thoughts in international political economy (IPE). In the first section, the three conceptions of classical IPE, which are liberalism, Marxism and mercantilism, and their notions of hegemony are explained. Gramscians have developed critical views on hegemony, which contradicts to the classical hegemony approach. In the second section, the meaning of hegemony as developed by Antonio Gramsci, which is different than classical conceptions, as well as the conceptual framework developed by his follower Robert W. Cox are explained. Lastly, as the contemporary priorities and challenges of neo-Gramscian perspectives in IPE studies are given, similarities and differences are indicated. As a conclusion, when the notion of hegemonic order in international realm is considered as a relation between social forces-state structures-world order, which is different than traditional approaches, it brings a new aspect to the contemporary discussions on globalization in IPE