On the willingness-to-pay for Elodea removal in the Fairbanks North Star Borough

Thesis (M.S.) University of Alaska Fairbanks, 2018The empirical research conducted herein addresses a public need for the funding of a project that would eradicate Elodea in the Fairbanks North Star Borough (FNSB). The eradication project has been outlined and approved by State and Federal agencies and has gathered funding to begin the eradication process. The study aims to develop a mean willingness-to-pay value for survey participants by shifting the funding burden to property tax payers. This body of work includes a primer on Elodea in the borough, an overview of contingent valuation, a parametric approach to willingness-to-pay, and results of the study conducted on Fairbanks property owners. The average willingness-to-pay per survey respondent is $50.32. In addition, 72$10, $30,$60, or $120 per year for 4 years to fund the proposed program. A penalized maximum log-likelihood estimation found that the most significant predictors for the likelihood of a yes vote are the respondent's perceived risk to the ecosystem and recreational opportunities. Additionally, the respondents concern for the use of herbicides in the borough to treat the Elodea infestation is highly significant. The high level of prior knowledge throughout the survey indicates that respondents had established view on Elodea prior to the survey.Introduction -- An Elodea Primer for the Fairbanks North Star Borough -- What is Elodea? -- Natural and Recreational Impacts of Elodea Infestations -- Treatment Options -- Elodea Eradication Project in the Interior -- Literature Review -- Introduction to Contingent Valuation -- A Brief History on Contingent Valuation -- Willingness-to-Pay vs. Willingness-to-Accept -- Convergent Validity for Hypothetical Dichotomous Choice Formats -- Willingness-to-Pay Elicitation Methods -- A Parametric Approach to Referendum Based Willingness-To-Pay -- Introduction -- Random Utility Model -- Penalized Log Likelihood Maximization for Dichotomous Choice Data -- Willingness-To-Pay Estimations -- Willingness-To-Pay for Elodea Removal in the Fairbanks North Star Borough -- Sampling -- Survey instrument -- Data -- Logit estimation and mean WTP results -- Discussion of Results -- Conclusion -- Appendix A -- Appendix B -- References

Non-native Amphibian Pet Trade via Internet in Poland

Overharvesting and trade in amphibian populations is one of the causes of their global decline. Online trade not only encourages the exploitation of an increasing number of rare and endangered amphibian species from all over the world but also influences the spread of invasive species. The aim of our research was to investigate the amphibian pet trade conducted in online stores and portals in Poland and determine its potential impact on native species. Between November 2013 and October 2014, we regularly (on a monthly basis) checked sale offers on the websites of the 18 biggest pet shops in the country specialised in exotic animals, on a nationwide auction portal and on three exotic pet fan portals. During the study, we reported 486 offers of 112 amphibian species in online stores and on portals. Most of the offers involved one of the four families of amphibians: poison dart frogs (Dendrobatidae), tree frogs (Hylidae), true toads (Bufonidae) and true salamanders (Salamandridae). Our data show increased interest in amphibians as pets in Poland. At least half of the offered species are possible hosts for the chytrid fungus Batrachochytrium dendrobatidis. However, only one species, the American bullfrog Lithobates catesbeianus (Shaw, 1802), appears to be a potential invasive species. To summarise, the species offered in Poland that are characterised as threatened are predominantly those that are relatively easy to breed and that are popular as pets. Further studies are required to investigate the real threat to wild amphibian populations caused by the pet trade

Ants biting amphibians: A review and new observations

Antagonistic interactions between insects and amphibians are the subject of many scientific articles, mostly concerning amphibian predation on insect, but many fewer examples exist of the opposite situation. In this article we review available information from the literature and add our own observations collected during amphibian pitfall trap monitoring in 2012–2016 in Western Poland, as well as discuss potential conservation implications of observed behavior. We identified a total of 29 cases involving 94 individual ants attacking four species of Anura, Rana temporaria, Pelophylax esculentus complex, Bufo bufo, and Pelobates fuscus, and biting their back, cloaca, armpits, or hind legs. Bites were inflicted by three ant species: Myrmica rubra, Lasius fuliginosus, and Formica polyctena. The number of ants found on an amphibian was positively and significantly correlated with its body length. To date, direct damage by ants on amphibians was reported mainly from the tropics in general predation accident. However, as we document here, it is probably a more common phenomenon, especially in some ecological traps or during pitfall trapping, which is a common method to mitigate road mortality of frogs and toads

Foreign policy at the service of modernisation: old wine in a new wineskin. OSW Commentary No. 39, 2010-08-31

Russia’s contacts with the external world over the past year have been characterised by a gradual improvement in its relations with the West, as well as the use of non-confrontational rhetoric, the most far-reaching example of which was the address President Dmitri Medvedev gave to Russian ambassadors this July. In an attempt to harmonise foreign policy with the widely propagated programme for the modernisation of Russia1 President Medvedev presented a vision of the Russian Federation as a responsible global power which is open to co-operation. According to this vision, Russian foreign policy would help to attract foreign investments and technologies. The West was presented as a partner, not a rival. Both this rhetoric and the atmosphere of co-operation in relations with the USA and the EU contrast with the assertive and aggressive Russian policy which was symbolised by and culminated in the Russian-Georgian conflict of 2008. The changes observed in Russian foreign policy are quite limited, and are not constructing a new external strategy. Those changes are rather an attempt to find more efficient ways to implement old strategic goals. The new image of a responsible global power is inconsistent, and Russian policy is still assertive and geopolitically motivated. Although a new rhetoric is really in place, the Russian political elite’s perception of their country’s place and role in the contemporary international order remains unchanged. Moscow’s readiness to become engaged in genuine co-operation with the West has not increased significantly; it is still to a great extent declarative in nature

China on Russia’s intervention in Syria. OSW Commentary Number 193|19.01.2016

China has reacted positively to Russia’s military intervention in Syria. The Chinese government perceives it as an element of the global fight against terrorism, and has emphasised the fact that Russia was acting in response to a request by the Syrian government. At the same time, Beijing has argued that the Syrian conflict cannot be resolved by military means and that a political compromise is necessary

The bear watches the dragon. The Russian debate on China. OSW Point of View Number 31, February 2013

Most participants in the Russian public debate seem to agree in their evaluation of the present condition of Russian-Chinese relations. There is awareness of increasing inequality between these two powers and Russia’s weakening position as compared to China.Those who share the optimistic view see co-operation with China as an opportunity for the Russian economy and a key element of Russia’s multi-directional foreign policy, an opportunity for Russia to avoid unilateral dependence on the West. The pessimists view the deepening co-operation with China through the prism of threats resulting from the increasing imbalance in bilateral relations. The greatest source of concern is the model of economic relations, which is often referred to as neo-colonial, where Russia’s role is reduced to that of a supplier of raw materials to China. The possible consequences are evaluated in different ways, ranging from the political subordination of Russian interests the Chinese ones to real loss of control over the Russian Far East. Those who share such views believe that Moscow should slow down its rapprochement with China and search for other partners in Eastern Asia, relations with whom could counterbalance the Chinese influence

Convergence or divergence? Visions of world order and the Russian-Chinese relationship

Scholars studying Sino-Russian relations remain divided regarding the extent to which Russia’s and China’s visions of international order converge. The article addresses this question by comparing how Russian and Chinese elites interpret the evolution of world order. My analysis shows that Russian and Chinese views on world order partly overlap and partly diverge. Russia and China’s defiance of Western primacy in international politics provides a basis for cooperation. Both countries distrust the West and oppose some policies pursued by the United States and its European allies. At the same time, leaders in Moscow and Beijing do not fully agree on what alternative norms they would like to promote. While joint declarations paper over this divergence, the differences are more pronounced in the patterns of Russian and Chinese practical engagement with global governance and their attitudes towards globalization and anti-globalization movements. The Chinese leadership appears to be genuinely interested in contributing to political-economic stability, while Moscow seeks first and foremost the symbolic confirmation of its great-power status and does not mind playing the role of an occasional spoiler. The article concludes that these differences have the potential to slow down, if not derail, long-term cooperation between Russia and China

CIS Countries' Interests vis-a-vis the European Union and Its Eastern Policy

The CIS countries' EU-related interests are very heterogeneous. The countries themselves differ not only in terms of their geopolitical and geo-economic situations, and how those affect their relations with the EU, but also in their levels of ambition in relation to the Union, as well as their specific sectoral interests. Some Eastern Partners have set full EU membership as their strategic goal; others want to enjoy the benefits of the common free market, and the ambitions of others are limited to developing cooperation in selected areas. Similarly, the EU's policy towards its Eastern neighbourhood is multi-level and very diverse, considering as it must the different characters of mutual relations. The EU and most of its Eastern partners have a sufficient number of common or converging interests to expect reasonable cooperation between the two sides to develop and deepen. However, serious challenges and problems exist that may prevent this positive scenario from being realised.ENP, CIS countries, EU