Using financial incentives to encourage welfare recipients to become economically self-sufficient - commentary

Public welfare ; Poverty ; Employment (Economic theory)

Do Rising Top Incomes Lift All Boats?

Pooling data for 1905 to 2000, we find no systematic relationship between top income shares and economic growth in a panel of 12 developed nations observed for between 22 and 85 years. After 1960, however, a one percentage point rise in the top decile’s income share is associated with a statistically significant 0.12 point rise in GDP growth during the following year. This relationship is not driven by changes in either educational attainment or top tax rates. If the increase in inequality is permanent, the increase in growth appears to be permanent. However, our estimates imply that it would take 13 years for the cumulative positive effect of faster growth on the mean income of the bottom nine deciles to offset the negative effect of reducing their share of total income.inequality, growth, income distribution, national income

Do Rising Top Incomes Lift All Boats?

Pooling data for 1905 to 2000, we find no systematic relationship between top income shares and economic growth in a panel of 12 developed nations observed for between 22 and 85 years. After 1960, however, a one percentage point rise in the top decile's income share is associated with a statistically significant 0.12 point rise in GDP growth during the following year. This relationship is not driven by changes in either educational attainment or top tax rates. If the increase in inequality is permanent, the increase in growth appears to be permanent. However, our estimates imply that it would take 13 years for the cumulative positive effect of faster growth on the mean income of the bottom nine deciles to offset the negative effect of reducing their share of total income.inequality, growth, income distribution, national income

Ohio's Burley Tobacco Agriculture : a Primary Regional Cash Crop

Author Institution: Department of Geography, Miami University, Oxford, Ohio 45056Ohio's Burley tobacco agriculture is concentrated in a relatively small portion of southern Ohio and is significant as a primary cash crop for the region. In four of the 10 leading Burley-tobacco-producing counties, Burley tobacco ranks as the leading cultivated crop of the county, and in one county leads all agricultural commodities produced there in value. The type of farm on which Burley tobacco is grown varies from the predominately marginal farms situated in the hilly portions of the growing region to generaltype farms located on more level land. Two crops which have been suggested as possible alternatives or additions to improve the economy of Burley tobacco growers are grapes and strawberries

Do Rising Top Incomes Lift All Boats?

Pooling data for 1905 to 2000, we find no systematic relationship between top income shares and economic growth in a panel of 12 developed nations observed for between 22 and 85 years. After 1960, however, a one percentage point rise in the top decile’s income share is associated with a statistically significant 0.12 point rise in GDP growth during the following year. This relationship is not driven by changes in either educational attainment or top tax rates. If the increase in inequality is permanent, the increase in growth appears to be permanent, but it takes 13 years for the cumulative positive effect of faster growth on the mean income of the bottom nine deciles to offset the negative effect of reducing their share of total income

American inequality and its consequences

Income inequality has risen sharply in the United States over the past generation, reaching levels not seen since before World War II. But while almost two-thirds of Americans agree with the statement that 'income differences in the United States are too large', policies aimed at reducing income differences command relatively little popular support. In most rich countries sizeable majorities 'agree strongly' that the government ought to guarantee each citizen a minimum standard of living. Only one American in four agrees strongly with this proposition. The same pattern holds in Congress, where legislators show little interest in policies aimed at taxing the rich, raising the wages of the poor, taxing inherited wealth, or guaranteeing shelter and health care to all Americans. The first three sections of this paper describe how the distribution of income has changed in the United States since the 1970s, why it changed, and why it is more unequal than the distribution in other rich democracies. We then assess the evidence on whether changes in economic inequality affect four other things that Americans care about - economic growth, equality of opportunity for children, longevity, and the distribution of political influence. Section 4 concludes that inequality probably does not have a consistent effect, either positive or negative, on economic growth in rich democracies. Section 5 shows that college attendance became more related to parental income as economic inequality increased in the United States, but it does not find much evidence that a father's economic status has had more influences on his children's economic prospects in the United States than in other rich countries where incomes were more equal. Section 6 argues that increases in economic inequality probably slow the rate of improvement in longevity, but the effect is very small. Thus, we conclude that rising inequality may have lowered life expectancy, but only by a few months. Section 7 discusses the impact of economic inequality on the distribution of political power, arguing that increases in economic inequality tend to increase the political power of the rich, at least in the United States. We conclude by arguing that since the effects of inequality on economic growth, health, and equality of opportunity are modest and uncertain in rich countries, these countries should decide how much economic inequality they are willing to tolerate largely on the basis of what they think is just

School Accountability, Postsecondary Attainment and Earnings

We study the impact of accountability pressure in Texas public high schools in the 1990s on postsecondary attainment and earnings, using administrative data from the Texas Schools Project (TSP). We find that high schools respond to the risk of being rated Low-Performing by increasing student achievement on high-stakes exams. Years later, these students are more likely to have attended college and completed a four-year degree, and they have higher earnings at age 25. However, we find no overall impact - and large declines in attainment and earnings for low-scoring students - of pressure to achieve a higher accountability rating

Star Architecture as Socio-Material Assemblage

Taking inspiration from new materialism and assemblage, the chapter deals with star architects and iconic buildings as socio-material network effects that do not pre-exist action, but are enacted in practice, in the materiality of design crafting and city building. Star architects are here conceptualized as part of broader assemblages of actors and practices ‘making star architecture’ a reality, and the buildings they design are considered not just as unique and iconic objects, but dis-articulated as complex crafts mobilizing skills, technologies, materials, and forms of knowledge not necessarily ascribable to architecture. Overcoming narrow criticism focusing on the symbolic order of icons as unique creations and alienated repetitions of capitalist development, the chapter’s main aim is to widen the scope of critique by bridging culture and economy, symbolism and practicality, making star architecture available to a broad, fragmented arena of (potential) critics, unevenly equipped with critical tools and differentiated experiences

Biomarkers and low risk in heart failure. Data from COACH and TRIUMPH

Aim Traditionally, risk stratification in heart failure (HF) emphasizes assessment of high risk. We aimed to determine if biomarkers could identify patients with HF at low risk for death or HF rehospitalization. Methods and results This analysis was a substudy of The Coordinating Study Evaluating Outcomes of Advising and Counselling in Heart Failure (COACH) trial. Enrolment of HF patients occurred before discharge. We defined low risk as the absence of death and/or HF rehospitalizations at 180 days. We tested a diverse group of 29 biomarkers on top of a clinical risk model, with and without N-terminal pro-B-type natriuretic peptide (NT-proBNP), and defined the low risk biomarker cut-off at the 10th percentile associated with high positive predictive value. The best performing biomarkers together with NT-proBNP and cardiac troponin I (cTnI) were re-evaluated in a validation cohort of 285 HF patients. Of 592 eligible COACH patients, the mean (± SD) age was 71 (± 11) years and median (IQR) NT-proBNP was 2521 (1301-5634) pg/mL. Logistic regression analysis showed that only galectin-3, fully adjusted, was significantly associated with the absence of events at 180 days (OR 8.1, 95% confidence interval 1.06-50.0, P = 0.039). Galectin-3, showed incremental value when added to the clinical risk model without NT-proBNP (increase in area under the curve from 0.712 to 0.745, P = 0.04). However, no biomarker showed significant improvement by net reclassification improvement on top of the clinical risk model, with or without NT-proBNP. We confirmed our results regarding galectin-3, NT-proBNP, and cTnI in the independent validation cohort. Conclusion We describe the value of various biomarkers to define low risk, and demonstrate that galectin-3 identifies HF patients at (very) low risk for 30-day and 180-day mortality and HF rehospitalizations after an episode of acute HF. Such patients might be safely discharged