25 research outputs found

    Mapping the human genetic architecture of COVID-19

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    The genetic make-up of an individual contributes to the susceptibility and response to viral infection. Although environmental, clinical and social factors have a role in the chance of exposure to SARS-CoV-2 and the severity of COVID-19(1,2), host genetics may also be important. Identifying host-specific genetic factors may reveal biological mechanisms of therapeutic relevance and clarify causal relationships of modifiable environmental risk factors for SARS-CoV-2 infection and outcomes. We formed a global network of researchers to investigate the role of human genetics in SARS-CoV-2 infection and COVID-19 severity. Here we describe the results of three genome-wide association meta-analyses that consist of up to 49,562 patients with COVID-19 from 46 studies across19 countries. We report 13 genome-wide significant loci that are associated with SARS-CoV-2 infection or severe manifestations of COVID-19. Several of these loci correspond to previously documented associations to lung or autoimmune and inflammatory diseases(3-7). They also represent potentially actionable mechanisms in response to infection. Mendelian randomization analyses support a causal role for smoking and body-mass index for severe COVID-19 although not for type II diabetes. The identification of novel host genetic factors associated with COVID-19 was made possible by the community of human genetics researchers coming together to prioritize the sharing of data, results, resources and analytical frameworks. This working model of international collaboration underscores what is possible for future genetic discoveries in emerging pandemics, or indeed for any complex human disease.Radiolog

    Income perception, information, and progressive taxation: evidence from a survey experiment

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    Are individuals accurately informed about their place in the income distribution? Despite the importance of accurate information about one’s placement in the income distribution for many models of redistribution, this assumption remains untested. We present survey data and an embedded experiment where we inform some individuals their true place in the income distribution. We then assess the impact of such information on tax progressivity preferences. We find that individuals have considerable error regarding their self-placement in the income distribution. Revealing to individuals their true placement affects progressivity preferences for individuals who learn they are poor, and for individuals whose prior is that they are poor. These results have implications for information assumptions of redistribution models of comparative political economy and contribute to our understanding of tax preferences, an understudied dimension of redistribution preferences

    Selling austerity: Preferences for fiscal adjustment during the Eurozone crisis

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    What explains individual preferences for austerity during the eurozone crisis? To what extent are such preferences affected by the specific content of austerity policies or EU-related factors? To address these questions, we present new data and embedded experiments that test theories of austerity preferences, from a survey of a crisis-hit country, Spain. We find little support for austerity as conventionally measured, but such support can increase if specific reasons or benefits are made salient. The endorsement by the EU has no effect on austerity support, but support for spending wanes when tax increases and concerns about fiscal commitments to the EU are made salient. The results help understand how unpopular policies such as austerity might be sometimes palatable to large segments of the general public

    The structure of business preferences and Eurozone crisis policies

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    What explains business views regarding policy preferences in the Eurozone crisis? Although recent literature examines the impact of the crisis on citizen views, few studies examine business preferences towards adjustment policies. We present unique data from a new representative survey of 500 high-level firm representatives from Spain to test theories about such preferences, in particular views about the euro, fiscal austerity, and wage devaluation, as well as plausible mechanisms for such preferences. We test three broad families of theories to explain such preferences, focusing on the role of structural firm characteristics, economic hardship, and political leanings of firm managers. We find that first, there is a strong conservative position regarding all of these policies. Second, we find that contra conventional approaches to explaining preferences, for the domestic policies (but not for euro views), the political leanings of firms matter much more than baseline structural characteristics. Third, we find that surprisingly economic hardship does not cause firms to demand more left-wing policies, as it might for voters; in fact, firms that have suffered are likely to be more skeptical of such measures. These findings indicate the need to better measure political orientations of firm respondents and suggest that this is a larger division among firms than previously recognized

    Selling austerity: Preferences for fiscal adjustment during the Eurozone crisis

    No full text
    What explains individual preferences for austerity during the eurozone crisis? To what extent are such preferences affected by the specific content of austerity policies or EU-related factors? To address these questions, we present new data and embedded experiments that test theories of austerity preferences, from a survey of a crisis-hit country, Spain. We find little support for austerity as conventionally measured, but such support can increase if specific reasons or benefits are made salient. The endorsement by the EU has no effect on austerity support, but support for spending wanes when tax increases and concerns about fiscal commitments to the EU are made salient. The results help understand how unpopular policies such as austerity might be sometimes palatable to large segments of the general public

    Economic hardship and policy preferences in the eurozone periphery: Evidence from spain

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    What is the impact of economic suffering on support for euro membership and austerity policies in the Eurozone periphery? This article uses original public opinion and firm surveys conducted in Spain in the midst of the great recession to describe the structure of preferences toward the euro as a common currency and austerity policies, focusing on the specific impact of crisis exposure. We find that in spite of the depth and the duration of the economic crisis, support for Spain’s membership in the Eurozone is strong. However, while economic suffering divides the electorate on support for the euro and austerity, it does not do so for firms. Surprisingly, individuals who have suffered due to the crisis in terms of higher income loss are more skeptical of tax and spend programs but are more critical of the euro. Moreover, individuals who are skeptical of the euro and austerity are demographically distinct groups of people. One implication of our joint individual and firm-level findings is that a coalition to seriously challenge the status quo policy coalition remains difficult. </p

    The structure of business preferences and Eurozone crisis policies

    No full text
    What explains business views regarding policy preferences in the Eurozone crisis? Although recent literature examines the impact of the crisis on citizen views, few studies examine business preferences towards adjustment policies. We present unique data from a new representative survey of 500 high-level firm representatives from Spain to test theories about such preferences, in particular views about the euro, fiscal austerity, and wage devaluation, as well as plausible mechanisms for such preferences. We test three broad families of theories to explain such preferences, focusing on the role of structural firm characteristics, economic hardship, and political leanings of firm managers. We find that first, there is a strong conservative position regarding all of these policies. Second, we find that contra conventional approaches to explaining preferences, for the domestic policies (but not for euro views), the political leanings of firms matter much more than baseline structural characteristics. Third, we find that surprisingly economic hardship does not cause firms to demand more left-wing policies, as it might for voters; in fact, firms that have suffered are likely to be more skeptical of such measures. These findings indicate the need to better measure political orientations of firm respondents and suggest that this is a larger division among firms than previously recognized

    Economic crisis, social networks, and political preferences

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    How did the great recession affect policy and partisan preferences in the most afflicted countries? We theorize the role of a previously under-emphasized source of preferences: the size and scope of one’s exposure to other individuals who have been exposed to the crisis. Contact with others who have economically suffered should be an additional channel for the crisis’ effects on policy preferences. We gathered data during the recession from a crisis-hit country, Spain, to measure the size of the respondent’s social networks in different ways and the impact of the crisis upon them. We also measured a battery of policy and political preferences (support for austerity, the euro, supranational institutions and new parties). We find strong associations between support for anti-status quo policies and anti-establishment parties and exposure to economic suffering within one’s social networks in ways that enrich our understanding of the process of preference formation in times of crisis
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