Victims of terrorism and political violence : identity, needs, and service delivery in Northern Ireland and Great Britain

This work was possible due to the support of the European Commission ‘‘Criminal Justice’’ (2007–2013) funding programme.Terrorism and political violence exist fundamentally as communicative acts; inherently the acts themselves serve to inspire anxiety and fear. As the recipients of such a communicative act, victims of terrorism and political violence serve as the vehicle for the dissemination of these communications to both the intended and broader audiences. Their victimising experience is thus a complex interplay between a profound personal trauma and the political/communicative dimension of the attack. Given this complexity, this article addresses how victims’ needs are understood by victims of terrorism and political violence in both Northern Ireland (NI) and Great Britain (GB). Through engagement with practitioners, victims, survivors, and community activists, this article conceptualises the existing perceptions amongst these different groups regarding needs, the delivery of services to victims in NI and GB, and examines the origins of the different approaches. Results demonstrate that victims’ needs are highly context-dependent at a public level, but relate heavily to the experiences of other victims of terrorism and political violence at a private level.PostprintPeer reviewe

Introduction: Institutionalisation beyond the nation state: new paradigms? Transatlantic relations: data, privacy and trade law

The chapter explores how we should understand the development of institutionalisation beyond the Nation State. It focuses largely but not exclusively upon a possibly ‘hard case’ of global governance, EU-US relations, long understood to be a non-institutionalised space, in light of recent legal and political developments in trade and data law How should we reflect upon ‘progress’ as a narrative beyond the Nation State? What is the place of bottom-up led process? The lexicon and framework of institutionalisation is argued to be both important and a valuable one worthy of being developed out of the shadows of many disciplines. Institutionalisation may be the antithesis of the desired political outcome and simultaneously also the panacea for all harms. Contrariwise, it is a highly provocative lexicon in its own right for its capacity to provoke questions of sovereignty and sensitivity towards embedded institutionalised frameworks. Transatlantic relations provide a vivid multi-disciplinary example of the relationship between institutionalisation and private power and quest for new forms of institutionalisation across a range of subjects. Exploring ‘de-institutionalisation’ may not capture adequately developments taking place between the EU and US in trade and data privacy. A broader context of extreme volatility in the global legal order is arguably also difficult to capture and pin down as to its specific temporal or conceptual elements. Strong internationalised institutionalisation appears to constitute the outcome of the ‘trade’ case study whereas weak localised institutionalisation appears to constitute the outcome of the ‘data’ case study. Nonetheless, they both represent important evolving concepts of power, rights and authority beyond the State

The governance of justice and internal security in Scotland: Between the Scottish independence referendum and British decisions on the EU

This article examines how the governance of justice and internal security in Scotland could be affected by the outcome of the Scottish independence referendum in September 2014. The article argues that it is currently impossible to equate a specific result in the referendum with a given outcome for the governance of justice and internal security in Scotland. This is because of the complexities of the current arrangements in that policy area and the existence of several changes that presently affect them and are outside the control of the government and of the people of Scotland. This article also identifies an important paradox. In the policy domain of justice and internal security, a ‘no’ vote could, in a specific set of circumstances, actually lead to more changes than a victory of the ‘yes’ camp

Victims of terrorism and political violence:identity, needs, and service delivery in Northern Ireland and Great Britain

Terrorism and political violence exist fundamentally as communicative acts; inherently the acts themselves serve to inspire anxiety and fear. As the recipients of such a communicative act, victims of terrorism and political violence serve as the vehicle for the dissemination of these communications to both the intended and broader audiences. Their victimising experience is thus a complex interplay between a profound personal trauma and the political/communicative dimension of the attack. Given this complexity, this article addresses how victims’ needs are understood by victims of terrorism and political violence in both Northern Ireland (NI) and Great Britain (GB). Through engagement with practitioners, victims, survivors, and community activists, this article conceptualises the existing perceptions amongst these different groups regarding needs, the delivery of services to victims in NI and GB, and examines the origins of the different approaches. Results demonstrate that victims’ needs are highly context-dependent at a public level, but relate heavily to the experiences of other victims of terrorism and political violence at a private level

Political and Legal Considerations Regarding the Negotiation of the Future UK-EU Security Relationship

In this chapter, the authors analyse potential transitional arrangements, discussing the possibilities of substantial delays in—or the no conclusion of—a security agreement, alternative models to the UK-EU relationship, dispute resolution and enforcement mechanisms in light of the UK Government’s red line on CJEU jurisdiction, and the UK’s potential reduced influence on future EU internal security

Consequences:The urban space as a (limited) battlespace

In this short concluding chapter of the first part, I bring all the argumentative strands together to then comment on the ‘action-reaction’ pattern that became obvious: terrorists act, counter-terrorists react – and so do politicians and academics. I argue that an array of various solutions has been offered to break through this cycle – amongst them technology as the proverbial ‘silver bullet’.</p