La reduplicación compleja en euskera: notas acerca de su formación y sus paralelos en otras lenguas

Las construcciones vascas basadas en la reduplicación con m- inicial representan un tipo de composición léxica muy extendido en diversas lenguas europeas y asiáticas. La procedencia última de este peculiar mecanismo de reduplicación compleja, o reduplicación total con variación, se localiza en el conjunto de lenguas túrquicas. A partir de estas, el recurso parece haberse difundido con relativa facilidad tanto hacia el oriente como hacia el occidente del foco originario. La forma y la función de los compuestos vascos coinciden en alto grado con las que caracterizan al mühleme turco, pese a lo cual ambos procedimientos de creación léxica no han sido vinculados entre sí hasta la fecha, salvo desde una perspectiva tipológica. La presencia de formas reduplicadas de carácter expresivo tanto en árabe como en español (extremo este último que ha sido desatendido en general) permiten identificar los nexos de unión que hacen posible una explicación por difusión del patrón constructivo que hallamos en euskera, cuyo origen habría que atribuir, en consecuencia, y al igual que ocurre con las formaciones correspondientes de otros sistemas europeos y asiáticos, a la expansión de un mecanismo reduplicativo generado dentro del grupo de lenguas túrquicas. Basque constructions based on reduplication with initial m- instantiate a type of lexical compounding that is rather widespread in different languages of Europe and Asia. The ultimate origin of this particular mechanism of complex reduplication, or total reduplication cum variation, is usually located within the Turkic language family. From the initial core, this reduplication type seems to have extended with relative ease eastwards as well as westwards.The form and function of Basque compounds correspond to a high degree to those characterizing Turkish mühleme, in spite of which these two mechanisms of lexical creation have not hitherto been related to each other, except from a typological perspective. But the presence of reduplicated formations with mainly expressive meaning in Arabic and Spanish (a fact that has often been neglected, especially in the latter case) allows us to identify the connecting links that make it possible to give a diffusion-based account of the Basque compound pattern, whose origin should be attributed, consequently, as is also the case with corresponding formations from other languages of Europe and Asia, to the spread of a reduplication mechanism that originated inside the Turkic group of languages

Algún paralelo tipológico más para la "h" vasca de origen nasal

The diachronic correspondence -n- ' -h- is one of the typologically most marked phono'logical developments of the Basque language. Nevertheless, the plausibility of such an evolution is guaranteed by a particular articulatory and acoustic connection between the features of glottality and nasality named rhinoglottophilia. Some examples of its effects in different languages were gathered in Igartua (2008). In this one new typological evidence is offered in order to confirm that the process of sound change in Basque is not so rare from a cross-linguistic perspective

Euskara hizkuntza zeltikoa zenean: oharra XVIII. mendeko uste genetikoez

A widely held view throughout the 18th century was that the Basque language belongs to the Celtic branch of Indo-European. This belief was especially popular among French scholars. The largest comparative vocabulary of that time, Pallas' dictionary (published in S. Petersburg in 1786/87 and 1789), somehow reflects the assumption that Basque and the Celtic languages were genetically related, but introduces a significant modification: according to Pallas, only Basque dialects from the north (the French dialects, so to say) pertain to Celtic, whereas the southern Basque dialects (the Spanish ones) have nothing to do with Celtic and, consequently, not even with the Basque dialects spoken in France. It is these kinds of genetic suppositions and their possible sources that this brief paper deals with

Orígenes indoeuropeos (y no indoeuropeos) de la vocal [y] eslava

[ES] La vocal 'y' de las lenguas eslavas procede esencialmente de i.e. *ū. Pero en el dominio de la flexión tanto nominal como verbal se puede encontrar asimismo una vocal 'y' de origen intraeslavo y derivada de diversas secuencias en final de palabra. Al estudio de estas evoluciones así como al análisis de los distintos estratos de préstamos léxicos que incrementan la presencia de la vocal y en el léxico eslavo se dedica buena parte de este trabajo. En él se rastrean, además, los datos comparativos e internos que permiten detectar otro origen para la vocal eslava 'y' los diptongos i.e. *ou y *au.[EN] The Slavic vowel 'y' is basically the reflex of IE *ū. But in the realm of the nominal and verbal inflection a vowel 'y' can also be found, which in this case is properly of Slavic origin and derives from different segments at the end of the word. Several parts of this work are dedicated to those developments as well as to the analysis of various groups of borrowings that contribute to increase the presence of the vowel 'y' in the Slavic lexicon. Finally, the paper deals with the comparative and internal data that allow to establish another origin for the vowel 'y'. the IE diphthongs *ou and *au.La redacción de este artículo ha sido en parte posible gracias al proyecto de investigación de la Universidad del País Vasco n.º 106.130-HA34/98

La aspiración de origen nasal en la evolución fonológica del euskera: un caso de rhinoglottophilia

From a typological perspective, the diachronic correspondence -n- ' -h- is perhaps the most marked development in the phonological history of the Basque language. The examples of such a process of sound change are extremely scarce around the world and have not been widely known until recent times. This is surely the reason why some scholars have tended to explain the historical replacement of -n- by -h- at the onset of the second syllable as a result of two different and completely unrelated processes of loss (of the nasal resonant) and insertion of an aspiration (with an allegedly antihiatic function).But since J. Matisoff's (1975) pioneering work on rhinoglottophilia, the mysterious connection between glotality and nasality, a new perspective has opened up for the typological assessment of that class of sound change processes to which the Basque diachronic correspondence clearly belongs. The present article constitutes an attempt to dissipate every remaining and possible doubt concerning the typological verisimilitude of this Basque development, which is itself probably the best instance we have of the reanalysis of nasalization as aspiration, one of the two main processes of change that can be triggered by rhinoglottophilia (the oher one, the reanalysis of aspiration as nasalization, is better attested cross-linguistically). Among the concluding remarks of the study, a detailed diachronic explanation of the phonetic as well as phonological sides of the sound change in question is also offered

Algún paralelo tipológico más para la "h" vasca de origen nasal

The diachronic correspondence -n- ' -h- is one of the typologically most marked phono'logical developments of the Basque language. Nevertheless, the plausibility of such an evolution is guaranteed by a particular articulatory and acoustic connection between the features of glottality and nasality named rhinoglottophilia. Some examples of its effects in different languages were gathered in Igartua (2008). In this one new typological evidence is offered in order to confirm that the process of sound change in Basque is not so rare from a cross-linguistic perspective

Euskara hizkuntza zeltikoa zenean: oharra XVIII. mendeko uste genetikoez

A widely held view throughout the 18th century was that the Basque language belongs to the Celtic branch of Indo-European. This belief was especially popular among French scholars. The largest comparative vocabulary of that time, Pallas' dictionary (published in S. Petersburg in 1786/87 and 1789), somehow reflects the assumption that Basque and the Celtic languages were genetically related, but introduces a significant modification: according to Pallas, only Basque dialects from the north (the French dialects, so to say) pertain to Celtic, whereas the southern Basque dialects (the Spanish ones) have nothing to do with Celtic and, consequently, not even with the Basque dialects spoken in France. It is these kinds of genetic suppositions and their possible sources that this brief paper deals with