Habermas, China und die "halbierte Moderne" : im Gespräch mit dem chinesischen Sozialphilosophen und Übersetzer Cao Weidong

Seit den 1980er Jahren erfreut sich die kritische Theorie im intellektuellen Diskurs Chinas großer Beliebtheit. Dank der chinesischen Reformpolitik wird die Sozialphilosophie der Frankfurter Schule zunehmend als Methode verwendet, um den politischen Alltag und den gesellschaftlichen Wandel kritisch zu analysieren. Hierbei spielen die Schriften von Jürgen Habermas und besonders seine Ansichten zur Zivilgesellschaft, Öffentlichkeit und zur Schlüsselrolle der Kommunikation eine wichtige Rolle. Im Rahmen der vom Interdisziplinären Zentrum für Ostasienwissenschaften der Goethe-Universität veranstalteten Konferenz »Kritik – Theorie – Kritische Theorie. Die Frankfurter Schule in China« gab der Habermas-Experte und Übersetzer Cao Weidong Einblick in das chinesische »Habermas-Fieber«

Desrespeito e Revolta

Uma crítica social frutífera precisa questionar, também, se as ações ou condi- ções sociais que inicialmente provocam apenas sentimentos difusos de malestar ou de vergonha, não deveriam, de preferência, suscitar revolta. Uma das mais frutíferas propostas teóricas para dar conta dessa tarefa é a Teoria do Reconhecimento de Axel Honneth, com a qual ele pretende substituir a ênfase habermasiana em nossas práticas comunicativas como fundamento da Teoria Crítica. Contudo, nessa abordagem inovadora, é exatamente a forte ênfase de Honneth no autorrelacionamento individual (como núcleo de uma teoria formal do Bem) que conduz a uma incorreta interpretação por parte dele dos principais aspectos da revolta capazes de provocar o avanço. Neste artigo, eu analiso mais precisamente a contribuição que a ideia de uma autorrelação bem-sucedida (como suposto telos) realiza dentro da teoria do reconhecimento, porém, ressaltando suas limitações

Dimensions of a European Constiutional Patriotism

In this paper I deny the claim that the European Union is not and cannot be a political community based on a strong sense of solidarity between its members. The influential position that I critically discuss states that such solidarity would have to rely on sovereign law enforcement based on shared characteristics (such as a common culture or language) – all of which is and should (from a normative point of view) remain missing in Europe. In defending the possibility of a European constitutional patriotism I explore its different dimensions, namely a procedural and a substantial one. In the procedural dimension we confront the question which institutions and what kind of experiences (e.g., commonly confronted challenges) could heighten the awareness of citizens to be engaged in a common political project. In a substantial dimension we have to ask what kind of European policies could (and should) generate pride in its citizenry. With regard to this substantial dimension I draw a further line between an internal and a transcending perspective. An ‘internal’ perspective highlights the additional value of a politically strong Europe for its own citizens. A ‘transcending’ perspective emphasizes the role of the EU in creating a new world order and thus focuses – quite ambitiously – on the benefits a strong Europe might bestow on humanity as such. However, as attractive as the transcending perspective might sound for all those who are moved by an urgent sense of cosmopolitan justice, it also entails a danger. Such a perspective may try to idealize the reality of European power politics in order to create a shared identity. Yet, constitutional patriotism denotes a critical attitude: We should only feel pride in a political order that deserves it.identity; integration theory; normative political theory