290 research outputs found

    Witchcraft, whites and the 1994 South African elections: Notes on the symbolic constitution of power in an Eastern Transvaal lowveld village

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    African Studies Seminar series. Paper presented 27 February 1995.The relationship between colonialism and witchcraft, as depicted in the ethnographic literature of central and southern Africa, presents an intriguing puzzle. The human myseries resulting from colonialism- such as the loss of land, poverty, disease, and labour exploitationare widely documented. It is also well known that witchcraft beliefs inscribe the causes of misfortune in tense social relationships. While studies recognize that colonialism has generated increased suspicions of witchcraft, they do not show that colonists are identified as witches. …. This article investigates, in greater depth, the intricate connections between experiences of colonial subjugation and African witchcraft beliefs. In contrast to the impression conveyed by the above-mentioned studies, I aim to demonstrate that colonists do not necessarily fall outside the parameters of witchcraft. Narratives of witchcraft can present a salient critique of the colonial order. Yet, I suggest that, criticisms of colonialism are less apparent in the sociology of witchcraft accusations, than in the symbolism of witchcraft beliefs

    Relocation in Tseki & Phuthaditjhaba: A comparative ethnography of planned & unplanned removals in Qwaqwa

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    African Studies Seminar series. Paper presented August 1989.The dominant theme in the recent history of Qwaqwa has been the relocation of thousands of people from "common" South Africa into the "homeland". In 1929 Ross (1930: 88) estimated that the population of Witzieshoek (as Qwaqwa was then known) was 8000 and wrote: In the past few years many folk who could make no existence on the farms outside have moved in. They are the old folk and the poor. This would have to be prohibited because Witzieshoek is already full, or Witzieshoek would have to be enlarged by the addition of nearby farms. (My translation). Subsequent estimates of Qwaqwa's population are: 23 860 in 1970 (BENSO 1978: 9), at least 300 000 in 1980 (Murray 1985: 289) and between 400 000 and 500 000 people in 1982 (Sharp 1982: 13). These figures are suggestive of mass population relocations It is generally possible to distinguish three sending areas. Murray (1985:290) estimates that perhaps 60% of people relocated to Qwaqwa came off white-owned farms, particularly in the northern, eastern and northwestern districts of the Orange Free State (OFS). The remaining 40%, he suggests, came from towns such as Harrismith, Bethlehem, Senekal, Vereeniging, Klerksdorp and Bloemfontein. A relatively small number of people have also been relocated from other "homelands"…. This paper is particularly concerned with highlighting the diverse implications of relocation for different sections of Qwaqwa's population. Despite the conceptual difficulties involved the the concepts "forced" and "voluntary", it is my intention to show that such distinctions may indeed be valuable in understanding relocation processes. It is argued that "official" removals imply at least some prior planning by the state to cater for the needs of those affected. Evidence indicates that people subject to forced removals from OFS townships by the state have enjoyed favourable access to resources and amenities in the 'homeland'. Such people are highly noticeable and taken account of by government and administration in the subsequent allocation of services in the 'homeland'. By contrast, former inhabitants OFS rural areas who have unofficially made their way into the 'homeland's' closer settlements have been severely disadvantaged. Their removals were unplanned and no administrative provisions had been made to meet even their most basic needs. Subsequently they have been largely unnoticed in the allocation of services. This paper reports the results of fieldwork undertaken in the Apollo (plural Diapollo) housing section in the town of Phuthaditjhaba (from August 1984 until February 1985) and the closer settlement of Tseki (in April, June-July and December 1983). The housing section was opened for settlement in March 1971

    Witches, mysteries, rumours, dreams and bones: Tensions in the subjective reality of witchcraft in the Mpumalanga lowveld, South Africa

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    African Studies Seminar series. Paper presented 10 March 1997Evans-Pritchard's classical text Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic Among the Azande (1937) lay the foundations for contemporary scholarly understandings of witchcraft. Yet the author's central contention that witchcraft presents a logical explanation for misfortune has been less inspirational than his suggestion than that witchcraft accusations express regularly recurring socio-structural conflicts [2]. This idea was developed most fully by Marwick (1970) who argued that witchcraft accusations present a social "strain-gauge". This formulation is based on two closely related assumptions. First, that at a general level, the distribution of witchcraft accusations, between persons standing in various relationships, reveals tension points in the social structure. Anthropologists and historians have contended that witchcraft accusations indicate different sorts of tensions in different social contexts. Witchcraft accusations have been shown to cluster between different matrilineal segments among the Chewa of Northern Rhodesia (Marwick 1965), agnates and affines among the Zulu of South Africa (Gluckman I960), youths and elders among the Gisu of Uganda (Heald 1986), competing work parties among the Hewa of New Guinea (Steadman 1985), commoners and new state elites in Cameroon (Geschiere 1988), and between men and women in colonial Peru (Silverbladt 1987). Second, the social strain hypothesis assumes that tense relations are the prime determinants of whom the accused shall be. For example, Macfarlane argues that in sixteenth century Essex witchcraft accusations arose from quarrels over gifts and loans, rather than strange events. This article critically reexamines the relationship between social tensions and witchcraft. It draws on fieldwork conducted between 1990 and 1995 in Green Valley, a village situated in the lowveld of Mpumalanga, South Africa. In 1991 Green Valley had a population of approximately 20 000 Northern Sotho and Tsonga-speakers [4]. In the article I aim to focus on how individuals subjectively inferred the existence of witchcraft and the identity of alleged witches, rather than to explore the quantitative distribution of witchcraft accusations. From this perspective, I suggest that social tensions by themselves are less accurate predictors of witchcraft attributions and accusations than the literature may lead us to believe. The article is divided into two parts. The first considers the ontological status of witchcraft in local knowledge. I argue that the perception of witchcraft as a transcendent reality immunizes the belief against disproof. Yet in specific situations the occurrence of mysterious events, circumstantial evidence, revelations through divination and dreams, and confessions attested to the reality of witchcraft. Part two provides a detailed analysis of five case studies, and critically scrutinizes the role of social tensions relative to other types of evidence. I argue that social tensions were neither a sufficient, nor even a necessary, condition for witchcraft accusations. Villagers did perceive a conflictual relationship between the victim and the accused, prior to the advent of misfortune, as a motive for witchcraft. Tensions were therefore part of the wider framework of evidence they used to justify particular accusations. But villagers believed that witches often struck without motive

    Coins for blood and blood for coins: Towards a genealogy of sacrifice in the Transvaal Lowveld, 1930-1993

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    African Studies Seminar series. Paper presented 14 March 1994.In 1889 Tylor defined sacrifice as a form of gift-giving to spiritual beings (Tylor 1958:461). This definition has formed the conceptual framework for both classical and contemporary anthropological understandings of sacrifice. Subsequent theorists have viewed these gifts-to-gods as fundamentally different from gifts-to-people. Indeed, sacrifice has been seen as essential to the quest for morality, purity and salvation. The sacrificial gift, it has been contended, is offerred to establish communion with the sacred and to sacrilize the sacrificer (Robertson-Smith 1984, Hubert and Mauss 1964). Evans-Pritchard (1970) described Nuer sacrifices as aimed at ridding individuals from the dangerous state of nueer brought about by pathogenic contact with the Divinity. More recently, Gregory (1980) and Parry (1986) have viewed sacrifice as a 'pure gift' which is surrendered without the expectation of recall and return in this life. Parry (1986: 460-61) suggests that in salvation-orientated religions ultimate destiny is determined by supernatural reward. As such unreciprocated gifts mean liberation from the bondage of the profane world and create an image of the other world in this one. Whilst these contributions yield general insight, there is an urgent need to refocus attention on the meanings of sacrifice in particular performative and narrative contexts (Hoskins 1993). Generalized and static formula often obscure intricate, diverse, and changing emic models of sacrifice. This article investigates continuities and changes in concepts of sacrifice among Sotho and Tsonga-speakers of the Transvaal lowveld. It warns against the generalized formulation of sacrifice as a moralistic act and contemplates the possibility that sacrifice may well be motivated by more imediate and materialistic concerns. My analysis is based on fieldwork I have conducted, for intermittent periods over past four years, in the lowveld village of Green Valley. Green Valley has a population of approximately 20 000 people. It forms part of the Setlhare chiefdom and is situated in the Mapulaneng area of Lebowa. My account is diachronic, but genealogical rather than historical. The aim is not to provide a comprehensive overview of process based on the chronology of events, but merely to highlight prominent cultural assumptions underlying the conceptions of sacrifice at different times [1]. Along with Cousins and Hussain (1984) I see the critical potential of the genelogical method as lying in its ability to trance symbolic connections between seemingly diverse phenomena. As such phenomena can be shown as not nearly as timeless and distinct as they appear. My analysis differs significantly from earlier functionalist and structuralist accounts of sacrifice in the lowveld (Junod 1966, Krige and Krige 1965, Monnig 1988, Hammond- Tooke 1981, de Heusch 1985). I do not merely focus on the performative aspects of offerings to the ancestors, but incorporate reference to mythical and imagined sacrifices. As such I explore the wider meanings of sacrifice in cultural discourses. These discourses are located within changing local religious, socio-political and economic contexts

    SOSIALISASI DAN PRAKTEK PEMBUATAN PUPUK ORGANIK CAIR

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    Waekerta Village, Waeapo District, Buru Regency is one of the activities that many villagers make a livelihood, namely gardening and farming. The lack of subsidized fertilizers and the very expensive price of fertilizers in Waekerta Village is the background for community service activities in the form of socialization and making fertilizers aimed at educating the public about making liquid organic fertilizer (POC). The main target of the Waekerta Village community, especially farmers, is to utilize waste/organic matter that cannot be consumed as a process of fertilizing plants. Obstacles The distance between the house and the village is quite far and the roads are quite difficult because in that village on average it is filled with potholes, even though there are obstacles this activity runs smoothly and the people of Waekerta show enthusiasm and receive material exposure by actively asking questions about the use of liquid organic fertilizer for plants. As many as 10% of the respondents knew and 90% did not know anything about liquid organic fertilizer. After knowing this composition, the explanation was repeated regarding rice washing water waste and its prospects for being managed into liquid organic fertilize

    Pengaruh Pembelajaran Nht Disertai Pbmp terhadap Hasil Belajar Siswa di Sman 1 Sungai Kakap

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    : This study aimed to determine the effect of NHT learning model with PBMP on the students\u27 learning outcomes on digestive system material in class XI of SMAN 1 Sungai Kakap. The research method used was experimental study with quasy-experimental study as the form of the research. The research sample was class XI Science 2 (NHT with PBMP group) and class XI IPA 1 (conventional group). The result of the data analysis shows that the average score of the students\u27 learning outcomes in NHT with PBMP group (16.85) was higher than the conventional group (14.27). The result of Mann-Whitney U test obtained by < has a meaning that there is a difference between the average score of the students\u27 learning outcomes in experimental class and control class. Therefore, NHT learning model with PBMP has an impact on the students\u27 learning outcomes in the material of digestive system

    Eosinophil infiltration, gastric juice and serum eosinophil cationic protein levels in Helicobacter pylori-associated chronic gastritis and gastric ulcer.

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    INTRODUCTION: Helicobacter pylori is one of the main causes of gastroduodenal diseases, such as chronic gastritis and peptic ulcer. It has been shown that eosinophils increase in the stomach in H. pylori infection. Eosinophilic cationic protein (ECP) is a cytotoxic molecule secreted by the activated eosinophils. However, there are no sufficient data about the role of ECP in H. pylori infection and its effect on ulcer development. In this study we investigated the gastric eosinophilic infiltration, gastric juice and serum ECP levels in patients with chronic gastritis and gastric ulcer associated with H. pylori. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Forty-four H. pylori-positive and 20 H. pylori-negative patients who underwent upper gastrointestinal system endoscopy after admitting with dyspeptic complaints were enrolled in the study. Twenty-one of the H. pylori-positive patients had gastric ulcer while 23 patients had none. During endoscopy, multiple gastric biopsies and juices were taken. In gastric biopsies, H. pylori and eosinophilic infiltration were assessed. Additionally, gastric juice and serum ECP levels were measured. RESULTS: Eosinophil infiltration, gastric juice ECP levels, and gastric juice/serum ECP ratios in the H. pylori-positive group were greater than in the H. pylori-negative group (p < 0.01). There was no statistically significant difference regarding serum ECP levels between the two groups (p > 0.05). When H. pylori-positive patients were compared with regard to gastric ulcer presence, however, there was no significant difference in gastric eosinophil infiltration, gastric juice ECP levels, serum ECP levels, and gastric juice/serum ECP ratios (p > 0.05). CONCLUSION: The results of this study suggest that eosinophils and eosinophil-released ECP may contribute to inflammatory changes seen in chronic gastritis, whereas there is no proof that they play a role in ulcer development

    Probing Patchy Reionization with the Void Probability Function of Lyman-α\alpha Emitters

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    We probe what constraints for the global ionized hydrogen fraction the Void Probability Function (VPF) clustering can give for the Lyman-Alpha Galaxies in the Epoch of Reionization (LAGER) narrowband survey as a function of area. Neutral hydrogen acts like a fog for Lyman-alpha emission, and measuring the drop in the luminosity function of Lyman-α\alpha emitters (LAEs) has been used to constrain the ionization fraction in narrowband surveys. However, the clustering of LAEs is independent from the luminosity function's inherent evolution, and can offer additional constraints for reionization under different models. The VPF measures how likely a given circle is to be empty. It is a volume-averaged clustering statistic that traces the behavior of higher order correlations, and its simplicity offers helpful frameworks for planning surveys. Using the \citet{Jensen2014} simulations of LAEs within various amount of ionized intergalactic medium, we predict the behavior of the VPF in one (301x150.5x30 Mpc3^3), four (5.44×106\times 10^6 Mpc3^3), or eight (1.1×107\times 10^7 Mpc3^3) fields of LAGER imaging. We examine the VPF at 5 and 13 arcminutes, corresponding to the minimum scale implied by the LAE density and the separation of the 2D VPF from random, and the maximum scale from the 8-field 15.5 deg2^2 LAGER area. We find that even a single DECam field of LAGER (2-3 deg2^2) could discriminate between mostly neutral vs. ionized. Additionally, we find four fields allows the distinction between 30, 50, and 95 percent ionized; and that eight fields could even distinguish between 30, 50, 73, and 95 percent ionized.Comment: 14 pages, 5 figure
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