Synthesis and properties of the materials obtained by SHS mode for radiation protection

The article shows the process of protective composite materials manufacturing. Also, the analysis of experimental results concerning the composite materials protective properties is given. The advantages of SHS method are considered in comparison with traditional materials. The uniqueness of SHS obtained products based on combination of nuclear-physical properties and parameters is presented

Mammal fauna during the Late Pleistocene and Holocene in the far northeast of Europe

The paper summarises materials on the mammal remains in northeastern Europe, dated by radiocarbon. Altogether, 23 local faunas of small mammals and 47 local faunas of large mammals were analysed. Multidimensional statistical analysis shows a strong correlation between changes in small mammal fauna composition and climate changes throughout time. The correlations with the spatial gradients, however, are less pronounced. The faunas are classified into three groups: (1) faunas of Holocene age; (2) Late Pleistocene ‘stadial’ assemblages; and (3) Late Pleistocene ‘interstadial’ assemblages. In some cases, changes in species abundance are better understood in terms of biotic interrelations rather than of climatic effects. The most pronounced change in small mammal fauna composition and structure occurred at the Preboreal/Boreal boundary, and a less conspicuous alteration took place at the LGM/Lateglacial transition. The most noticeable transformation in the large mammal fauna composition is dated to the early Holocene. Less significant changes are observed at the Middle Weichselian/LGM transition and at the LGM/Lateglacial transition. It is safely concluded that variations in the faunas of small and large mammals recorded in NE Europe during the last 35 000 years occurred synchronously and unidirectionally.

Effect of the Compaction Pressure and Ni Content on the Modified Aluminum-Based Perovskite Synthesis Designed to Immobilize the Radioactive Waste in Combustion Mode

The article deals with the synthesis of perovskite-like ceramics matrix material for immobilization of radioactive waste by SHS method. The dependence of the compaction pressure on the synthesis of the samples was established. Synthesis conditions for the matrix with the desired properties of the composition were determined that is acceptable for reliable isolation of radionuclides throughout the long-term storage of waste. The maximum amount of aluminum perovskite is observed when the initial mixture compaction pressure equal to 30 MPa and 25% wt. Nickel

Turkey in the Black Sea region: Ankara's reactions to the war in Ukraine against the background of regional dynamics and global confrontation

Turkey's policy in the Black Sea region is the result of not only a complex relationship with Russia but also of a difficult relationship with the West. In particular, US policy in the Middle East has a major impact on how Ankara positions itself in the Black Sea region. An important feature of the Black Sea region has been and continues to be the shared Turkish and Russian vision of a regional order that excludes external actors. This can be seen in the way Turkey interpreted the Mon­treux Convention after the outbreak of war in Ukraine and in the way the Black Sea Grain Initiative came about. Under the Montreux Convention, Ankara has a decisive role in the limi­tation of extra-regional fleets in the Black Sea. This is partly due to Turkish control of the straits. On the other hand, there are also treaty-based tonnage restrictions for warships of non-littoral states that are allowed to stay in the Black Sea temporarily. Ankara's manoeuvres are contributing significantly to the West's uncer­tainty about Turkey's foreign policy orientation. However, Ankara is not questioning its security anchorage in NATO. As well as securing its leadership role in the Black Sea region, Ankara is also keen to assert its economic interests. (author's abstract

Turkey-Russia partnership in the war over Nagorno-Karabakh: militarised peacebuilding with implications for conflict transformation

By siding with Azerbaijan in the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh, Turkey is primarily pursuing the goal of undermining the current status quo of the region. Ankara aims above all to secure a place at the table where a solution to the conflict between Arme­nia and Azerbaijan will be negotiated in the future. The Syrian scenario should serve as an example. Turkey thus wants to negotiate with Russia in the South Caucasus, preferably without Western actors. Ankara’s plans are not uninteresting for Moscow. However, because of the complexity of Turkish-Armenian relations, there is a risk that Armenia and Turkey might become the eventual opponents in this conflict, rather than Armenia and Azerbaijan. The EU’s engagement should not be determined by its tense relationship with Turkey, but rather by the UN Security Council resolu­tions on Nagorno-Karabakh. (author's abstract

Bilateral Priorities in Turkey-Russia Relations

Under the leadership of Vladimir Putin and Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Russia and Turkey have developed complex regional conflict management schemes in Syria, Libya, and the South Caucasus. Since February 24, 2022, the focus has shifted to bilateral relations, particularly in the energy and trade sectors. Given the expectations of Turkey’s Western partners regarding its stance toward Russia, this adds a significant economic dimension to Ankara’s geopolitical balancing act and cost-benefit calculations

The Black Sea as Mare clausum: Turkey's special role in the regional security architecture

The Black Sea is a region of tension. It is the arena of the Russia-NATO confrontation while at the same time serving as a projection area for Russian and Turkish visions of regional order. Turkey's special role in the region stems primarily from the implementation of the Montreux Convention, which for much of the last century has meant a reduction in unilateral spheres of influence and dominance. The nonriparian states are supposed to be excluded. For Turkey, the Montreux Convention is a lever of power. Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 has enabled it to use this lever even more in the service of its own interests. NATO's room for manoeuvre, on the other hand, has been reduced in the current situation. Turkey is an essential element in the Alliance's collective defence. However, since the outbreak of the Russian war against Ukraine, NATO is no longer present in the Black Sea. This means that an important pillar of deterrence and defence is missing. In this respect, there is a dualism regarding the conceptions of order in the Black Sea region at two different levels: the regional and the global. (author's abstract

Turkey-Iran rivalry in the changing geopolitics of the South Caucasus

The South Caucasus has long been a theatre of Turkish and Iranian cooperation and rivalry. While these two regional powers have historically balanced their inter­ests, there are signs that rivalry is taking precedence. Turkey's unwavering backing of Azer­baijan during the 2020 Karabakh War consolidated Ankara's footprint in the region. Azerbaijan's retaking of the rest of Karabakh in the latest military strikes on 19 September 2023 makes a peace accord between Azerbaijan and Armenia more likely, furthering Turkey's interests, and potentially limiting Russia's role in the region. However, the prospect of a "less Russia, more Turkey" dynamic heightens Tehran's apprehensions towards Ankara. Particularly concerning for Iran is the clause with­in the Moscow-brokered ceasefire of November 2020 that mandates the rebuild­ing of a road and rail link connecting Turkey to mainland Azerbaijan via Azerbaijan's Nakhchivan exclave and Armenia's south-eastern Syunik province; this risks marginal­ising Iran. In addition, Tehran is anxiously observing the deepening of ties between Turkey’s close ally, Azerbaijan, and Iran's key adversary, Israel. (author's abstract

Totalitarianism and geography: L.S. Berg and the defence of an academic discipline in the age of Stalin

In considering the complex relationship between science and politics, the article focuses upon the career of the eminent Russian scholar, Lev Semenovich Berg (1876–1950), one of the leading geographers of the Stalin period. Already before the Russian Revolution, Berg had developed a naturalistic notion of landscape geography which later appeared to contradict some aspects of Marxist–Leninist ideology. Based partly upon Berg's personal archive, the article discusses the effects of the 1917 revolution, the radical changes which Stalin's cultural revolution (from the late 1920s) brought upon Soviet science, and the attacks made upon Berg and his concept of landscape geography thereafter. The ways in which Berg managed to defend his notion of geography (sometimes in surprisingly bold ways) are considered. It is argued that geography's position under Stalin was different from that of certain other disciplines in that its ideological disputes may have been regarded as of little significance by the party leaders, certainly by comparison with its practical importance, thus providing a degree of ‘freedom’ for some geographers at least analogous to that which has been described by Weiner (1999. A little corner of freedom: Russian nature protection from Stalin to Gorbachev. Berkeley: University of California Press) for conservationists. It is concluded that Berg and others successfully upheld a concept of scientific integrity and limited autonomy even under Stalinism, and that, in an era of ‘Big Science’, no modernizing state could or can afford to emasculate these things entirely