Exploring the views of students on the use of Facebook in university teaching and learning

Facebook use among students is almost ubiquitous; however, its use for formal academic purposes remains contested. Through an online survey monitoring student use of module Facebook pages and focus groups, this study explores students’ current academic uses of Facebook and their views on using Facebook within university modules. Students reported using Facebook for academic purposes, notably peer–peer communication around group work and assessment – a use not always conceptualised by students as learning. Focus groups revealed that students are not ready or equipped for the collaborative style of learning envisaged by the tutor and see Facebook as their personal domain, within which they will discuss academic topics where they see a strong relevance and purpose, notably in connection with assessment. Students use Facebook for their own mutually defined purposes and a change in student mind- and skill-sets is required to appropriate the collaborative learning benefits of Facebook in formal educational contexts

Comparing nuclear power trajectories in Germany and the UK: from ‘regimes' to ‘democracies’ in sociotechnical transitions and Discontinuities

This paper focuses on arguably the single most striking contrast in contemporary major energy politics in Europe (and even the developed world as a whole): the starkly differing civil nuclear policies of Germany and the UK. Germany is seeking entirely to phase out nuclear power by 2022. Yet the UK advocates a ‘nuclear renaissance’, promoting the most ambitious new nuclear construction programme in Western Europe.Here,this paper poses a simple yet quite fundamental question: what are the particular divergent conditions most strongly implicated in the contrasting developments in these two countries. With nuclear playing such an iconic role in historical discussions over technological continuity and transformation, answering this may assist in wider understandings of sociotechnical incumbency and discontinuity in the burgeoning field of‘sustainability transitions’. To this end, an ‘abductive’ approach is taken: deploying nine potentially relevant criteria for understanding the different directions pursued in Germany and the UK. Together constituted by 30 parameters spanning literatures related to socio-technical regimes in general as well as nuclear technology in particular, the criteria are divided into those that are ‘internal’ and ‘external’ to the ‘focal regime configuration’ of nuclear power and associated ‘challenger technologies’ like renewables. It is ‘internal’ criteria that are emphasised in conventional sociotechnical regime theory, with ‘external’ criteria relatively less well explored. Asking under each criterion whether attempted discontinuation of nuclear power would be more likely in Germany or the UK, a clear picture emerges. ‘Internal’ criteria suggest attempted nuclear discontinuation should be more likely in the UK than in Germany– the reverse of what is occurring. ‘External’ criteria are more aligned with observed dynamics –especially those relating to military nuclear commitments and broader ‘qualities of democracy’. Despite many differences of framing concerning exactly what constitutes ‘democracy’, a rich political science literature on this point is unanimous in characterising Germany more positively than the UK. Although based only on a single case,a potentially important question is nonetheless raised as to whether sociotechnical regime theory might usefully give greater attention to the general importance of various aspects of democracy in constituting conditions for significant technological discontinuities and transformations. If so, the policy implications are significant. A number of important areas are identified for future research, including the roles of diverse understandings and specific aspects of democracy and the particular relevance of military nuclear commitments– whose under-discussion in civil nuclear policy literatures raises its own questions of democratic accountability

Characteristics of mobile phone use in adolescents identified with mild intellectual disability who attend special schools in Serbia and their non-disabled peers in mainstream schools

Accessible summary The aim of this research was to identify possible differences in how non-disabled adolescents and their peers identified with mild intellectual disability use mobile phones. The sample comprised 420 non-disabled participants and 67 participants identified with mild intellectual disability. Non-disabled adolescents used these devices more often than their peers identified with mild intellectual disability. Adolescents identified with mild intellectual disability should be encouraged to expand the use of mobile phones. Background Mobile phones are multifunctional devices which allow adolescents to belong to their peer group, communicate with them, and also expand their digital interactions. The aim of this research was to identify possible differences in the areas and ways of mobile phone use in non-disabled adolescents and their peers identified with mild intellectual disability of both genders. Materials and Methods The sample comprised 420 non-disabled participants and 67 participants identified with mild intellectual disability, aged 15-19 years in Serbia. Areas of mobile phone use were assessed through a questionnaire developed for this research, while the Mobile Phone Problem Use Scale was used to assess problematic mobile phone use. Results In all assessed areas, it was observed that non-disabled students used mobile phones more frequently, except in Skype video calls, which were used significantly more often by participants identified with mild intellectual disability. The obtained results demonstrate that girls used mobile phones more frequently than boys for schoolwork, daily communication with family and friends, fun activities, sending and receiving text messages, taking photographs, and making videos. With regard to problematic mobile phone use, a significant gender difference was observed only in the subsample of non-disabled participants where girls used mobile phones in a problematic way much more frequently. Conclusions Adolescents identified with mild intellectual disability should be encouraged to expand the use of mobile phones with appropriate monitoring and education so that their use does not become problematic

Unwilling Citizens? Muslim young people and national identity

Muslim youth ‘identities’ are at the forefront of recent policy concern in the UK. The 2001 riots in northern towns apparently revealed alienated Muslim communities living ‘parallel lives’ and failing to share British identity. Whilst highly contested, the resulting new priority of Community Cohesion and debates around ‘Britishness’ have moved forward. The 7/7 bombings and subsequent terror plots arguably confirmed the picture of Muslim youth oppositional to British values, prompting the blaming of multiculturalism and attempts to ‘prevent violent extremism’. Such policies have offered little evidence on how Muslim young people actually view their identity. This article draws on research in Oldham and Rochdale to explore how Muslim young people understand their Identifications and how this relates to understandings of national identity. In doing so, it explores the role of multiculturalism and community cohesion in the identities of young British Muslims and the implications for policy