EU member states and enlargement towards the Balkans. EPC ISSUE PAPER No. 79, July 2015

From the Executive Summary. The European Union’s enlargement to the Balkans seems to be running on autopilot since Croatia’s accession in 2013 and amidst the on-going crisis. While the region still has a clear European perspective, progress on the dossier has been marred not just by outstanding challenges in individual Balkan countries but often also by hurdles which develop within the Union – more specifically in the member states. While the EU’s internal procedures for handling enlargement have always been intergovernmental in nature, the frequency of incursions and opportunities for the member states to interfere and derail the process has increased over the past years, suggesting a so-called ‘nationalisation’ of enlargement. In 17 case studies and two theoretical chapters, this Issue Paper investigates whether the dossier has shifted more under the control of the member states, and looks at the kind of considerations and potential ‘roadblocks’ that influence the positions of key national actors on enlargement

Multipolar World at the End of the First Decade of the 21st Century: How about Europe?

It seems that the world is now heading towards a system of multipolarity in which the United States will have to share power with a number of quickly rising powers. This article describes the concept of multipolarity, the way it has been dealt with in the past and the context in which it is treated in today’s globalised world. <br />European Union has expressed high ambitions to come to terms with the multipolar world through effective multilateralism and strategic partnerships. In order to accomplish this, the organisation needs to develop towards becoming a unitary actor. The article deals with some specific areas on which the EU needs to agree and brings up some of the hurdles to and possibilities of achieving such agreement.<br /&gt

The politics of differentiated integration : what do governments want? Country report : Sweden

Differentiated integration (DI) is of very low salience in Sweden, and the rare discussions on DI that took place focused on instances of DI rather than on models or mechanisms. As regards the models of DI, Sweden had a negative view of multi-speed, which was seen as detrimental to cohesion within the Union. Multi-end Europe was instead perceived as a useful way to include different countries. Enhanced co-operation, in which some countries pursue a deeper cooperation, was therefore acceptable and Sweden had no problems when others engaged in enhanced co-operation on initiatives that Sweden was critical of. It was also pleased when initiatives that Sweden favoured and which could not find the acceptance of all, could be pursued as enhanced co-operation. It was, however, critical against using opt-outs in areas seen as crucial, like climate, the environment and migration. Without explicitly mentioning the euro as a case of enhanced co-operation this was how Sweden dealt with it. Neither Sweden nor the EU have acted to bring about a formal opt-out. The two EU-critical parties, the Left Party and the Sweden Democrats, have, however, argued for this, most probably because of a wish to make non-membership of the euro permanent. While recognising the right of deeper co-operation among eurozone countries, Sweden saw it as crucial not to create wider political rifts in Europe. With only a few exceptions, such as the euro, all political parties have agreed on the issues under discussion within the context of DI.This Paper is part of the InDivEU project which has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement number 822304. The content of this document represents only the views of the InDivEU consortium and is its sole responsibility. The European Commission does not accept any responsibility for use that may be made of the information it contains

France, Germany and the United Kingdom Cooperation in Times of Turbulence

This thesis deals with cooperation between France, Germany and the United Kingdom within the area of foreign and security policy. Two case studies are presented, one of them concerning cooperation between the three states within and outside institutions in 1980 following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and the other dealing with cooperation concerning the crisis in Macedonia in 2001. In accordance with the approach of neoliberal institutionalism the primary hypothesis is that cooperation is primarily determined by the interests of states but it is also limited by norms and affected by the institutions of which the three states are members. The study describes the large variety of forms of cooperation that exist between France, Germany and the United Kingdom, in which the United States also plays an important part, and which also includes their cooperation within a number of international institutions. The study also points to the new forms of interaction between states and institutions that have come about since the Cold War ended, and which give a stronger role to institutions and the cooperation between them. Still, however, states retain a decisive role in cooperation within the field of foreign and security policy

The Nordic Self-Governing Areas in a Peace Perspective : The Faroe Islands, Greenland and the Åland Islands

The Nordic Region has enjoyed two centuries of peaceful co-existence that are worth highlighting and learning from. As a result, the Nordic autonomous regions have attracted considerable attention in recent years. There is significant international interest in their experiences, including their experience of territorial autonomy. In a world that appears increasingly troubling, the autonomy of the Faroe Islands, Greenland, and Åland is worth studying from the perspective of conflict resolution. It seems important to examine the marked development that these autonomous regions have undergone and the success they have had in finding solutions to the conflicts that have arisen – not just from a Nordic perspective, but also from a wider international point of view. The conclusions of a comparative study of the autonomous regions’ legal, economic, and security policy developments are presented here. The complete study can be ordered from The Åland Islands Peace Institute at www.peace.a

Selvstyrende områder i Norden i et fredsperspektiv : Færøerne, Grønland og Åland

Norden har 200 års erfaring med fredelig sameksistens og konfliktløsning, som er værd at fremhæve og tage ved lære af, og netop derfor har de selvstyrende områder i Norden tiltrukket sig en hel del opmærksomhed i den seneste tid. Der er stor international interesse for disse erfaringer, herunder erfaringer med territoriel selvbestemmelse. I en verden præget af voksende uro ser man det som særligt værdifuldt at studere Færøernes, Grønlands og Ålands selvbestemmelse ud fra et konfliktløsningsmæssigt perspektiv. Den stærke udvikling, som disse selvstyrende områder har gennemgået, samtidig med at man har formået at finde fredelige løsninger på de konflikter, der er opstået, synes vigtige at studere – ikke kun i et nordisk, men også i et bredere internationalt perspektiv. Her præsenteres konklusionerne fra et sammenlignende studie af de selvstyrende områders retslige, økonomiske og sikkerhedspolitiske udvikling. Den fulde undersøgelse kan bestilles fra Ålands Fredsinstitut eller downloades elektronisk her – www.peace.a

Självstyrelser i Norden i ett fredsperspektiv : Färöarna, Grönland och Åland

Norden har erfarenheter av fredlig samlevnad i 200 år som är värda att lyfta fram och dra lärdomar av. Det finns ett stort internationellt intresse för dessa erfarenheter, inklusive erfarenheter av territoriell självstyrelse. I en värld som ter sig alltmer oroande ses Färöarnas, Grönlands och Ålands självstyrelser som värdefulla att studera ur ett konfliktlösande perspektiv. Den starka utveckling som självstyrelserna har genomgått, samtidigt som man lyckats att finna fredliga lösningar på de konflikter som uppstått, syns viktiga att studera, inte bara i ett nordiskt utan också i ett vidare internationellt perspektiv. Här presenteras konklusionerna från en jämförande studie av de nordiska självstyrelsernas rättsliga, ekonomiska och säkerhetspolitiska utveckling. Den fullständiga studien kan beställas från Ålands fredsinstitut eller laddas ner elektroniskt – www.peace.a

Pohjoismaiden itsehallintoalueet rauhantyön näkökulmasta : Ahvenanmaa, Färsaaret ja Grönlanti

Pohjoismailla on kokemusta rauhanomaisesta rinnakkaiselosta 200 vuoden ajalta. Pohjoismaiden itsehallinnot ovat saaneet paljon huomiota viime aikoina, ja Pohjoismaiden rauhanomaisesta konfliktinratkaisusta voidaan ottaa oppia muuallakin. Alueellisen itsehallinnon kokemukset herättävätkin laajaa kansainvälistä kiinnostusta. Entistä levottomammassa maailmassa Ahvenanmaan, Färsaarten ja Grönlannin itsehallinnot nähdään arvokkaina esimerkkeinä konfliktinratkaisusta. Ei vain Pohjoismaissa, vaan myös laajemmin kansainvälisesti, on syytä ottaa oppia näiden itsehallintoalueiden huimasta kehityksestä sekä rauhanomaisten ratkaisujen löytymisestä konflikteihin. Tässä tiivistelmässä esitellään Pohjoismaiden itsehallintojen oikeudellisen, taloudellisen ja turvallisuuspoliittisen kehityksen vertailevan tutkimuksen johtopäätelmät. Julkaisun voi tilata kokonaisuudessaan Ahvenanmaan rauhaninstituutist