Des « publics » radicaux et polarisés face à la disparition des médias libres en Egypte

Cet article se propose d’analyser à la fois les avancées et les revers de la sphère publique égyptienne sur la base de la théorie des systèmes médiatiques comparés et de la théorie de la transformation. Le fait que les nouveaux dirigeants militaires aient introduit une censure sévère prouve que les médias sont susceptibles de manipulation politique. Cependant, les raisons de la régression du système médiatique égyptien sont multiples. Les médias, largement concentrés entre les mains de vieilles élites, ont fait pression contre la transformation démocratique. Pendant la transition du ‘printemps arabe’, des médias et des publics radicalement polarisés ont miné les bases du consensus démocratique et des sphères publiques pluralistes. La profession journalistique ainsi que les publics peuvent être considérés comme coresponsables du retournement autoritaire de la sphère publique qui a suivi le coup d’état militaire.This paper seeks to analyze both the achievements and the failures of the Egyptian public sphere on the basis of the theory of comparative media systems and transformation theory. The fact that new military rulers introduced harsh censorship is proof that media are vulnerable to political manipulation. However, the reasons for the regression of the Egyptian media system are manifold. Media capital, largely concentrated in the hands of old elites, exerted pressure against the democratic transformation. During the Arab Spring transition radically polarized media and audiences did not enable the creation of democratic consensus and pluralist public spheres. The journalistic profession as well as audiences can be considered co-responsible for the neo-authoritarian downswing of the public sphere that followed the military coup

Radically Polarized Publics and the Demise of Media Freedom in Egypt

This paper seeks to analyze both the achievements and the failures of the Egyptian public sphere on the basis of the theory of comparative media systems and transformation theory. The fact that new military rulers introduced harsh censorship is proof that media are vulnerable to political manipulation. However, the reasons for the regression of the Egyptian media system are manifold. Media capital, largely concentrated in the hands of old elites, exerted pressure against the democratic transformation. During the Arab Spring transition radically polarized media and audiences did not enable the creation of democratic consensus and pluralist public spheres. The journalistic profession as well as audiences can be considered co-responsible for the neo-authoritarian downswing of the public sphere that followed the military coup.Cet article se propose d’analyser à la fois les avancées et les revers de la sphère publique égyptienne sur la base de la théorie des systèmes médiatiques comparés et de la théorie de la transformation. Le fait que les nouveaux dirigeants militaires aient introduit une censure sévère prouve que les médias sont susceptibles de manipulation politique. Cependant, les raisons de la régression du système médiatique égyptien sont multiples. Les médias, largement concentrés entre les mains de vieilles élites, ont fait pression contre la transformation démocratique. Pendant la transition du ‘printemps arabe’, des médias et des publics radicalement polarisés ont miné les bases du consensus démocratique et des sphères publiques pluralistes. La profession journalistique ainsi que les publics peuvent être considérés comme coresponsables du retournement autoritaire de la sphère publique qui a suivi le coup d’état militaire

A complicated relationship: right-wing populism, media representation and journalism theory

The current upswing of right-wing populism in the United States and in Europe is a challenge not only for policy makers, but also for journalism theory. If and how to report on rightwing politicians, movements and issues is a delicate question that various strands of theory answer differently. Functionalist systems theory is in favor of large-scale coverage due to the stimulating news values of populist debates, although the precise character of the political integration remains unclear. In contrast, rational democratic deliberation theory is to be interpreted as a complete rebuttal of the irrational character of populism. The argument here would be that we must not allow the media be dominated by irrational debates. At the same time, democratic media theory is all but uniform in dealing with the phenomenon. While traditional rational public sphere theory is clearly anti-populist, paradoxically left-liberal and postmodern public sphere theory, anti-elitist and radically post-modern as it is, can be used as an argument for better representation of marginalized voices, including right-wing populists

Lack of a Y-Chromosomal Complement in the Majority of Gestational Trophoblastic Neoplasms

Gestational trophoblastic neoplasms (GTNs) are a rare group of neoplastic diseases composed of choriocarcinomas, placental site trophoblastic tumors (PSTTs) and epithelioid trophoblastic tumors (ETTs). Since these tumors are derivatives of fetal trophoblastic tissue, approximately 50% of GTN cases are expected to originate from a male conceptus and carry a Y-chromosomal complement according to a balanced sex ratio. To investigate this hypothesis, we carried out a comprehensive analysis by genotyping a relatively large sample size of 51 GTN cases using three independent sex chromosome genetic markers; Amelogenin, Protein Kinase and Zinc Finger have X and Y homologues that are distinguishable by their PCR product size. We found that all cases contained the X-chromosomal complement while only five (10%) of 51 tumors harbored the Y-chromosomal complement. Specifically, Y-chromosomal signals were detected in one (5%) of 19 choriocarcinomas, one (7%) of 15 PSTTs and three (18%) of 17 ETTs. The histopathological features of those with a Y-chromosome were similar to those without. Our results demonstrate the presence of a Y-chromosomal complement in GTNs, albeit a low 10% of cases. This shortfall of Y-chromosomal complements in GTNs may reinforce the notion that the majority of GTNs are derived from previous molar gestations

Data-driven hearing care with time-stamped data-logging

Castiglione, retratado por Rafael Sanzio de Urbino Sin duda esto es lo que fue en su día este auténtico bestseller, El Cortesano, puesto a la letra por Baltasar de Castiglione, que había nacido en Mantua en 1478, y que sería educado en la corte milanesa del duque Ludovico el Moro. Pero realmente donde se gestó este pequeño tratado de cortesía, gentileza, caballería y urbanidad fue en la corte renacentista y exquisita de los duques de Urbino, en donde Castiglione frecuentó a humanistas como ..

Pemphigoid Gestationis and adverse pregnancy outcomes: A literature review

Pemphigoid gestationis (PG), also known as gestational pemphigoid, as it is specifically associated with a pregnancy event, is among the rare pregnancy-related dermatoses, characterised by the formation of autoantibodies against Bullous Pemphigoid antigens 180 and 230 (BP180 and BP230), causing significant damage to the basement membrane of the skin, resulting in marked pruritus and blisters on the abdomen and extremities. Diagnosis of PG is basically made by the characteristic clinical picture and confirmed by immunofluorescence studies and histopathology of a skin biopsy. Treatment, just as for other autoimmune dermatoses, is achieved by corticosteroids with the risk of relapses in subsequent pregnancies. Fetal growth restriction and pre-maturity are potential fetal complications associated with the disease, hence the recommended combined antenatal care by a dermatologist as well as an obstetrician, however, this disease is unlikely to be a source of significant maternal morbidity or mortality

Ein wissenschaftspolitisches Positionspapier

Internationalisierung ist zwar ein verbreitetes Schlagwort im heutigen akademischen Betrieb, und keiner bestreitet dessen Wichtigkeit, doch wie internationalisiert ist die deutsche Kommunikationswissenschaft wirklich? Manche deutschen Hochschulen verstehen unter Internationalisierung lediglich ein (kommunikationswissenschaftliches) englischsprachiges Lehrangebot, andere das Publizieren in englischsprachigen Fachzeitschriften. Dass dies zu kurz greift, versteht sich von selbst. Aber welche internationale Reichweite hat die deutsche Scientific community bisher tatsächlich erzielt? Welchen Stellenwert hat die international vergleichende Forschung, haben inter- und transkulturelle Perspektiven im Fach? Wie steht es um die internationale Anschlussfähigkeit der deutschen Kommunikationswissenschaft? International komparative und kollaborative Forschung und die Einnahme inter-/transkultureller Perspektiven sind Querschnittsaufträge für alle Forschungsfelder des Fachs und können nicht nur beschränkt sein auf so explizit getaufte Netzwerke und Fachgruppen der internationalen und transkulturellen Kommunikation unter dem Dach wissenschaftlicher Fachgesellschaften. Dieses Positionspapier plädiert daher für eine „tiefe Internationalisierung“ der deutschen Kommunikationswissenschaft

Die „tiefe Internationalisierung“ der deutschen Kommunikationswissenschaft?: Eine Evaluation der Personal- und Forschungsstrukturen sowie der Lehrprogramme deutscher Hochschulen

Der Beitrag präsentiert und diskutiert die Ergebnisse einer umfassenden Befragung und mehrerer Dokumentenanalysen zu Personal-und Forschungsstrukturen sowie Lehrprogrammen in der deutschen Kommunikationswissenschaft im Hinblick auf deren „tiefe Internationalisierung“ bzw. kosmopolitische Ausrichtung. Darunter verstehen wir eine umfassende Anerkennung und Einbindung globaler Vielfalt in die Wissensproduktion und messen dies entlang der Inhalts-und Raumdimension des Forschungs-und Lehroutputs der Professuren und der mit ihnen verbundenen Stellenstrukturen. Die Befunde zeigen, dass die deutsche Kommunikationswissenschaft einen großen Nachholbedarf hat, was eine kosmopolitische Wissensproduktion angeht. Vor dem Hintergrund der Relevanz globaler Werte, globalen Wissens und Global Governance werden aber auch Potentiale aufgezeigt sowie hochschulpolitische Maßnahmen diskutiert, die eine inhaltliche Internationalisierung der deutschen Kommunikationswissenschaft vorantreiben können.This paper presents and discusses the results of a comprehensive survey and several document analyses on personnel and research structures as well as teaching programs in German communication studies regarding their “deep internationalization” or cosmopolitan orientation. By this, we mean a comprehensive recognition and integration of global diversity into knowledge production. We measure this through the content and spatial dimension of the research and teaching output of professors, as well as the teaching and research staff linked tothem. The findings show that German communication studies is lagging a truly cosmopolitan knowledge production. Against the backdrop of the relevance of global values, global knowledge, and global governance, however, the study also points out potentials and discusses higher education policy measures that could advance the internationalization of German communication studies