37 research outputs found
āThis is a wonderful time to be a political economistā
Interview: prof. dr. Jonathan Zeitlin,
University of Wisconsi
Public Opinion, the Working Class and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia
Ovaj rad analizira rezultate anketnoga ispitivanja javnog mnijenja koje je 1990. godine, prije prvih viÅ”estranaÄkih izbora i prije izbijanja rata, provedeno u svim republikama bivÅ”e Jugoslavije. Posebno se analiziraju stavovi radniÄke klase. LogistiÄkim se regresijama analiziraju podatci za bivÅ”u Jugoslaviju, te zatim za njezine tri politiÄki najutjecajnije i ekonomski najrazvijenije republike, Sloveniju, Hrvatsku i Srbiju. Pokazalo se da se, premda velika veÄina jugoslavenskih graÄana izražava projugoslavenske stavove, ispod povrÅ”inskog konsenzusa može uoÄiti specifiÄna fragmentacija javnog miÅ”ljenja uopÄe i radniÄke klase pogotovo. Jedino u Hrvatskoj radnici odskaÄu u izraženoj važnosti pripadnosti Jugoslaviji, u odnosu na druge druÅ”tvene skupine. S druge strane, stavovi struÄnjaka i Ā»privatnikaĀ«, kao nositelja nastajuÄe ekonomske elite, obilježeni su slabijom vezanoÅ”Äu za jugoslavensku politiÄku zajednicu. Najzad, jaÄa vezanost uz Jugoslaviju kombinira se s veÄom skepsom oko prelaska na tržiÅ”nu privredu, dok se slabija vezanost uz Jugoslaviju kombinira sa sklonoÅ”Äu da se izrazi demokratska orijentacija. Utoliko se osjeÄaj vezanosti uz Jugoslaviju ponajprije povezivao sa socijalistiÄkim ureÄenjem gospodarstva, a mnogo manje uz privrženost demokraciji, Å”to je jugoslavensko zajedniÅ”tvo uÄinilo joÅ” ranjivijim u kontekstu krize socijalizma u IstoÄnoj Europi i uspona liberalne demokracije kao jedinoga zamislivog oblika druÅ”tvenog ureÄenja.This study analyses the results of a public opinion survey conducted in all the republics of the former Yugoslavia in 1990, before the first multi-party elections and the outbreak of war. Focus is placed on the attitudes of the working class. Logistic regression models are used to analyse the data for the former Yugoslavia and for three of its politically most influential and economically most developed republics, Slovenia, Croatia and Serbia. It was shown that, although a large majority of the Yugoslav citizens had pro-Yugoslav attitudes, this surface consensus concealed a particular fragmentation of public opinion in general and of the working class in particular. Relative to other social groups, it is only in Croatia that workers stand out in the expressed importance of belonging to Yugoslavia. On the other hand, experts and small-scale private employers, the basis of an emerging economic elite, had weaker attachments to the Yugoslav political community. Finally, a stronger attachment to Yugoslavia was combined with deeper scepticism regarding the transition to a market economy, while a weaker attachment to Yugoslavia was combined with a tendency to support a democratic orientation. Therefore, a pro-Yugoslav orientation was linked to a socialist economic model and far less to democratic values. This made Yugoslav unity even more vulnerable in the context of the crisis of socialism in Eastern Europe and the rise of liberal democracy as the only imaginable political system
Adam Smith and James Steuart: Opposing imageries of early capitalism
U ovom radu, analiziraju se dvije ilustracije ili vizualne metafore kojima su Å”kotski druÅ”tveni znanstvenici (prvenstveno politiÄki ekonomisti) osamnaestog stoljeÄa, Adam Smith i James Steuart, pokuÅ”ali prikazati i osvijetliti nastajuÄi ekonomski i njemu pridruženi politiÄki poredak. S jedne strane se nalazi slavna nevidljiva ruka, za koju se tvrdi da sama po sebi nije od velike važnosti za Smitha, iako njena logika jest. To otvara nekoliko interpretacijskih teÅ”koÄa koje se pokuÅ”avaju rasvijetliti Å”to je viÅ”e moguÄe. S druge strane je Steuartova metafora o novom poretku kao finom i skupocjenom satu kojeg treba popravljati oprezno, ali Äesto i samo struÄno. Ova dva autora iz osamnaestog stoljeÄa mogu se danas uzeti, u poneÅ”to pojednostavljenom shvaÄanju, kao predstavnici dviju suprotstavljenih ideoloÅ”kih orijentacija Äiji je sukob od velikog znaÄenja i za naÅ” globalizirani svijet.This paper analyses two illustrations or visual metaphors used by the eighteenth century Scottish social thinkers (primarily political economists), Adam Smith and James Steuart, in an attempt to illuminate the emerging economic system as well as the political system associated with it. The f irst metaphor is the famous invisible hand, in itself not considered particularly relevant to Smith, although itŹ¼s logic is. This issue imposes several diff iculties in interpretation that are resolved as much as possible. The other is StuartŹ¼s metaphor of the new social order as a delicate and fine watch that is to be adjusted cautiously, but frequently and by experts only. These two eighteenth century authors can be taken today, though in a somewhat simplif ied manner, as the embodiments of the two opposing ideological orientations the confrontation of which is also of great importance in our contemporary globalised world
Red and Black Croatia in the Long Run
Jedna od bolje utvrÄenih Äinjenica hrvatske politike jest geografska podjela na sjeverozapadni dio zemlje koji glasa za lijeve opcije i jugoistoÄni dio zemlje koji glasa za desne opcije. Hrvatska u tom pogledu nije iznimka s obzirom na to da viÅ”e zemalja u regiji i Å”ire dijeli isto obilježje geografskog grupiranja razliÄitih vrsta politiÄkih identiteta. koji bi dugoroÄni faktori mogli objasniti taj prostorni raspored, podjelu zemlje na "crvenu" i "crnu" Hrvatsku? Ovaj rad koristi kvantitativnu analizu podataka na razini geografski definiranih jedinica kako bi istražio efekt triju grupa faktora: (1) razvojnog naslijeÄa socijalistiÄke Jugoslavije kakvo je ono bilo u trenutku raspada te države, (2) dubokih strukturnih, ekonomskih i demografskih promjena koje su se dogodile od kraja socijalistiÄke Jugoslavije do danas i (3) dugoroÄnog naslijeÄa Drugog svjetskog rata (1941-1945) i Domovinskog rata (1991-1995).Abstract one of the best established facts of Croatian politics is the geographical divide between the north-west part of the country which votes for left-wing options and the south-east part of the country which votes for right-wing options. Croatia is not an exception in this regard, as many countries in the region and beyond feature a similar geographical clustering of diļ¬erent political identities. What long-term factors can be used to explain this spatial distribution, the division of the country into a "red Croatia" and a "black Croatia"? this article uses a quantitative analysis of municipal data in order to investigate the impact of three groups of factors: (1) the developmental legacy of socialist Yugoslavia as it existed at the time of the country\u27s dissolution, (2) the deep structural, economic and demographic changes that took place since the end of socialist Yugoslavia until today and (3) the long-run legacies of World War II (1941-1945) and the Homeland War (1991-1995)
A Short Overview of the Political Economy Of Technological Change
TehnoloÅ”ka je promjena jedna od najvažnijih sila koje oblikuju moderno druÅ”tvo.ā Koje perspektive postoje za razumijevanje tehnoloÅ”kih promjena, prijeā svega iz kuta politiÄke ekonomije? U prvom se dijelu rada daje osnovni pregled ādebata koje su oblikovale to znanstveno podruÄje, poÄevÅ”i s klasiÄnomā britanskom politiÄkom ekonomijom devetnaestog stoljeÄa. Liberalni politiÄkiā ekonomisti tog razdoblja i njihovi kritiÄari vidjeli su u pitanju strojeva prvorazredan āizazov tadaÅ”njem britanskom druÅ”tvu, prije svega kada je rijeÄ o problemu ātehnoloÅ”ke nezaposlenosti. U drugom dijelu rad se okreÄe neoklasiÄnojā ekonomiji i njenim konceptualnim alatima za razumijevanje tehnologije. Usto āse bavi i kritikama neoklasiÄnog pristupa, od kojih je najrelevantnija Schumpeterova. āU treÄem se dijelu daje pregled suvremene literature o uÄinku digitalnih ātehnologija. Posebno mjesto zauzima teza o tehnoloÅ”koj promjeni koja ārazliÄito utjeÄe na razliÄite segmente tržiÅ”ta rada, nagraÄujuÄi one koji imaju āvjeÅ”tine komplementarne digitalnoj tehnologiji, a kažnjavajuÄi one koji takveā vjeÅ”tine nemaju.āTechnological change is one of the most important forces shaping modernā society. Which perspectives can help us understand technological change, especially āfrom a political economy lens? The first part of this article provides a ābasic overview of debates that shaped this scientific field, starting with nineteenth ācentury British political economy. Liberal political economists as well āas their critics of the time both saw the machinery question as a paramountā challenge to British society, especially with regard to the problem of technologicalā unemployment. The second part of the article turns to neoclassical āeconomics and the conceptual tools that it uses to understand technology. Critiques āof the neoclassical approach are also included, of which Schumpeterāsā critique is the most important. The third part of the article turns to the contemporaryā literature on āskill-biased technological changeā which rewards those āthat have the skills that complement digital technology and punishes those āthat do not.
PAVAO RITTER VITEZOVIÄ, NATIONAL IDENTITY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE
PolazeÄi od metodoloÅ”kih naputaka Quentina Skinnera i Johna Pococka, autor interpretira spis Pavla Rittera VitezoviÄa Oživljena Hrvatska kao spis kojem je predmet prouÄavanja ponajprije identitet. U tom se spisu utemeljuje etniÄki identitet, a istodobno VitezoviÄ daje āalateā buduÄim ākonstruktorima nacijeā u stvaranju nacionalnog identiteta. Zbog ove pionirske naravi Oživljene Hrvatske autor sugerira da bi Pavao Ritter VitezoviÄ, prema predmetu kojim se bavio ā a to je bio identitet ā trebao biti uvrÅ”ten u hrvatsku politoloÅ”ku tradiciju.Using Quentin Skinerās and John Pocockās methodological guidelines, the author argues that the topic of the text by Pavao Ritter VitezoviÄ, Oživljena Hrvatska /The Revived Croatia/ is ā identity. The text establishes ethnic identity, and at the same time provides the ātoolsā for the future āconstructors of the nationā in their creation of the national identity. Because of this, the author suggests that Pavao Ritter VitezoviÄ, due to the subject he covered ā identity ā should be considered as part of the Croatian political science tradition
Who Supports a Property Tax in Croatia?
Ovaj se rad bavi analizom podrŔke porezu na nekretnine u
Hrvatskoj. Tko podržava taj porez, a tko mu se protivi?
Analiza se služi anketama Fakulteta politiÄkih znanosti iz
2016. i 2020. godine. Na taj se naÄin može usporediti
struktura javnoga miŔljenja prije i poslije velike javne rasprave
iz 2017. godine, koja je rezultirala odgaÄanjem poreza. Rad
se nastavlja na prijaŔnje analize, koje su pokazale povezanost
stranaÄke identifikacije i podrÅ”ke porezu na nekretnine. Rad
Ŕiri te analize novim podacima. Pokazuje se da 2016. godine
ta veza i dalje postoji, ali da ona nestaje 2020. godine. Rad
ispituje i kakva je priroda ekonomskih stavova samih graÄana
te postavlja pitanje može li se nakon rasprave o porezu na
nekretnine govoriti o eventualnoj novoj liberalnoj orijentaciji u
strukturi javnoga miŔljenja u Hrvatskoj. Analiza sugerira da u
Hrvatskoj i dalje pretežu umjereno lijevi ekonomski stavovi, ali
da se nakon burne javne diskusije o porezu na nekretnine
dogaÄaju odreÄene promjene ekonomskih stavova, u kojima
se liberalni i intervencionistiÄki stavovi meÄusobno isprepleÄu.This article analyses public support for a property tax in
Croatia. Who supports this tax and who opposes it? The
analysis uses public opinion polls conducted by the Faculty of
Political Science in 2016 and 2020. This makes it possible to
compare the structure of public opinion before and after the
large public debate from 2017 which resulted in a
postponement of the tax. The article relies on previous work
that showed a link between party identification and support
for property taxation and extends this analysis with new data.
The article shows that this link still existed in 2016 but that it
disappeared in 2020. The article also examines the nature of
citizens\u27 economic views and asks if a new liberal orientation
arose in the structure of public opinion in Croatia, following
the debate on the property tax. The analysis suggests that
moderately left-wing opinions still prevail in Croatia, but
following the turbulent public discussion of the property tax,
new combinations of economic views appear in which liberal
and interventionist views intermingle
Does Croatia Need a House of Counties?
U ovom radu bavim se analizom politiÄke institucije Županijskog doma. Iznosim tezu da Županijski dom nije bio potreban u politiÄkom ustrojstvu Republike Hrvatske. Kroz rad dajem teorijsku pozadinu debate o unikameralizmu i bikameralizmu kako je ona iznesena u politiÄkoj znanosti kao i povijesni pregled razvoja bikameralizma i pregled parlamentarnih ustrojstava zemalja srediÅ”nje i istoÄne Europe koje prolaze kroz proces demokratske tranzicije kao i Hrvatska. U opisu hrvatskog iskustva sa Županijskim domom prikazujem Ustavom definirani položaj tog doma, samo ukidanje i reagiranja politiÄkih aktera Republike Hrvatske. Zatim kratko navodim i moguÄnosti ponovnog uvoÄenja gornjeg parlamentarnog doma kroz najave Goranske deklaracije.This essay analyses the political institution of the upper house of the Croatian Parliament, House of Counties. I put forward a thesis that the House of Counties was not necessary within the political system of the Republic of Croatia. I present the theoretical background of the debate about unicameralism and bicameralism in political sciences, the historical overview of the development of bicameralism, and a sketch of parliamentary systems in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe which are, like Croatia, currently undergoing the process of democratic transition. I describe the Croatian experience with the constitutional framework of the House of Counties, the process of its abolishing and subsequent reactions of Croatian political protagonists. I then briefly present the possibilities of reinstating the upper parliamentary house through the Goran Declaration