Selective suppression of cytokine secretion in whole blood cell cultures of patients with colorectal cancer.

We have investigated the secretion of interferon alpha (IFN-alpha), IFN-gamma, interleukin-1alpha (IL-1alpha), IL-1beta, IL-2 and tumour necrosis factor alpha (TNF-alpha) in whole blood cell cultures (WBCCs) of colorectal cancer patients upon mitogen stimulation. Whereas the values for IL-1beta and TNF-alpha remained virtually unchanged in comparison with healthy control subjects, WBCCs of colorectal cancer patients secreted significantly lower amounts of IFN-alpha (P < 0.005), IFN-gamma (P < 0.0001), IL-1alpha (P < 0.0001) and IL-2 (P < 0.05). This reduction correlated with the progression of the disease. The total leucocyte and monocyte population were almost identical in both groups. In contrast, a dramatic depletion of lymphocytes was observed in colorectal cancer patients, which affected both lymphocyte counts (P < 0.0005) and their distribution (P < 0.0001). Our results suggest a selective suppression of cytokines in colorectal cancer patients that is related to tumour burden. Several mechanisms might account for this phenomenon, one of which might be lymphocyte depletion

Growth regulation and co-stimulation of human colorectal cancer cell lines by insulin-like growth factor I, II and transforming growth factor alpha.

We have tested growth factor responsiveness of a panel of eight human colorectal carcinoma cell lines. Insulin-like growth factors I and II (IGF-I and IGF-II) stimulated growth of five lines (HT-29, LS411N, LS513, SW480, WiDr). At 30 ng ml-1 both factors enhanced growth up to 3-fold. They induced half-maximal stimulation at 1.9-6.51 ng ml-1. Even after delayed addition IGF-I and II significantly enhanced growth in a short-term proliferation assay. They exerted maximal effects under limiting serum conditions (0.5% FCS) and at low cell density (1.25-5 x 10(4) ml-1). Using these conditions transforming growth factor alpha (TGF alpha) enhanced proliferation of all IGF-responsive cell lines, except SW480. 1.11-3.31 ng ml-1 were required to obtain a half-maximal response. With 10-20 ng ml-1 maximal stimulation occurred at plateau values different from those for IGF-I/II. Proliferation of all cell lines responsive to both IGF-I and TGF alpha was further enhanced by combining both factors, resulting a synergistic response of LS513, while the effects on HT-29, LS411N and WiDr were additive. With HT-29 and LS411N a 24 h exposure to TGF alpha was sufficient to obtain a full response in the co-stimulatory assay. Our results illustrate the importance of IGF-I/II and TGF alpha as stimulators of growth of colorectal carcinomas

Impact of tobacco industry and other corporations in the defeat of the 1994 Clinton health care plan

Abstract Background: The primary reason cited by many scholars for the defeat of the Clinton Administration’s 1994 health care reform bill has long been identified as Health Insurance Association of America and National Federation of Independent Businesses opposition to the bill. Given this predominant consensus combined with sizeable proposed funding for the bill by a large tobacco product tax, this manuscript examined what the tobacco industry’s role was in whole or part in defeating the Clinton health care bill. Methods: This research occurred through crosschecking internal tobacco industry documents and Clinton White House documents. Results: Prior to the passage of the bill, the tobacco industry accepted a compromise of 45 cents per pack increase phased in over five years. Due to this compromise, the industry or third party allies had no role in the ultimate defeat in the bill. Conclusions: The primary reason for the bill’s ultimate defeat was general business (but not tobacco industry and third party ally) opposition, the bill running out of time, and conflicting bills. Secondary reasons for the bill’s defeat included issues with: employer mandates, high taxes on insurance plans, impacts on medical research and education, Congressional attention to other issues, election year politics, and possible future excise tax possibilities.Ye

The Policy Dystopia Model:an interpretive analysis of tobacco industry political activity

BACKGROUND: Tobacco industry interference has been identified as the greatest obstacle to the implementation of evidence-based measures to reduce tobacco use. Understanding and addressing industry interference in public health policy-making is therefore crucial. Existing conceptualisations of corporate political activity (CPA) are embedded in a business perspective and do not attend to CPA's social and public health costs; most have not drawn on the unique resource represented by internal tobacco industry documents. Building on this literature, including systematic reviews, we develop a critically informed conceptual model of tobacco industry political activity. METHODS AND FINDINGS: We thematically analysed published papers included in two systematic reviews examining tobacco industry influence on taxation and marketing of tobacco; we included 45 of 46 papers in the former category and 20 of 48 papers in the latter (n = 65). We used a grounded theory approach to build taxonomies of "discursive" (argument-based) and "instrumental" (action-based) industry strategies and from these devised the Policy Dystopia Model, which shows that the industry, working through different constituencies, constructs a metanarrative to argue that proposed policies will lead to a dysfunctional future of policy failure and widely dispersed adverse social and economic consequences. Simultaneously, it uses diverse, interlocking insider and outsider instrumental strategies to disseminate this narrative and enhance its persuasiveness in order to secure its preferred policy outcomes. Limitations are that many papers were historical (some dating back to the 1970s) and focused on high-income regions. CONCLUSIONS: The model provides an evidence-based, accessible way of understanding diverse corporate political strategies. It should enable public health actors and officials to preempt these strategies and develop realistic assessments of the industry's claims

Optimality and distortionary lobbying: regulating tobacco consumption

We examine policies directed at regulating tobacco consumption through three types of instruments: (i) an excise tax hindering consumption by increasing the price of cigarettes, (ii) prevention programs helping consumers to make choices that are more time consistent when trading-off the current pleasure from smoking and its future health harms, and (iii) smoking bans directly restricting consumption. First, on normative grounds, we focus on the optimal design of public policies maximizing the economy’s surplus. Second, in a positive perspective, we investigate how the lobbying activities of the tobacco industry, of smokers, and of anti-tobacco organizations may distort government intervention

A hydraulically driven colonoscope

BACKGROUND: Conventional colonoscopy requires a high degree of operator skill and is often painful for the patient. We present a preliminary feasibility study of an alternative approach where a self-propelled colonoscope is hydraulically driven through the colon. METHODS: A hydraulic colonoscope which could be controlled manually or automatically was developed and assessed in a test bed modelled on the anatomy of the human colon. A conventional colonoscope was used by an experienced colonoscopist in the same test bed for comparison. Pressures and forces on the colon were measured during the test. RESULTS: The hydraulic colonoscope was able to successfully advance through the test bed in a comparable time to the conventional colonoscope. The hydraulic colonoscope reduces measured loads on artificial mesenteries, but increases intraluminal pressure compared to the colonoscope. Both manual and automatically controlled modes were able to successfully advance the hydraulic colonoscope through the colon. However, the automatic controller mode required lower pressures than manual control, but took longer to reach the caecum. CONCLUSIONS: The hydraulic colonoscope appears to be a viable device for further development as forces and pressures observed during use are comparable to those used in current clinical practice

Public, private and personal: Qualitative research on policymakers' opinions on smokefree interventions to protect children in 'private' spaces

<p>Abstract</p> <p>Background</p> <p>Governments use law to constrain aspects of private activities for purposes of protecting health and social wellbeing. Policymakers have a range of perceptions and beliefs about what is public or private. An understanding of the possible drivers of policymaker decisions about where government can or should intervene for health is important, as one way to better guide appropriate policy formation. Our aim was to identify obstacles to, and opportunities for, government smokefree regulation of private and public spaces to protect children. In particular, to seek policymaker opinions on the regulation of smoking in homes, cars and public parks and playgrounds in a country with incomplete smokefree laws (New Zealand).</p> <p>Methods</p> <p>Case study, using structured interviews to ask policymakers (62 politicians and senior officials) about their opinions on new smokefree legislation for public and private places. Supplementary data was obtained from the Factiva media database, on the views of New Zealand local authority councillors about policies for smokefree outdoor public places.</p> <p>Results</p> <p>Overall, interviewees thought that government regulation of smoking in private places was impractical and unwise. However, there were some differences on what <it>was </it>defined as 'private', particularly for cars. Even in public parks, smoking was seen by some as a 'personal' decision, and unlikely to be amenable to regulation. Most participants believed that educative, supportive and community-based measures were better and more practical means of reducing smoking in private places, compared to regulation.</p> <p>Conclusions</p> <p>The constrained view of the role of regulation of smoking in public and private domains may be in keeping with current political discourse in New Zealand and similar Anglo-American countries. Policy and advocacy options to promote additional smokefree measures include providing a better voice for childrens' views, increasing information to policymakers about the harms to children from secondhand smoke and the example of adult smoking, and changing the culture for smoking around children.</p

Political dynamics promoting the incremental regulation of secondhand smoke: a case study of New South Wales, Australia

BACKGROUND: The history of governmental responses to the accumulation of scientific evidence about the harms of secondhand smoke (SHS) presents an intriguing case study of incremental public health policy development. Australia has long been considered a world-leader in progressive tobacco control policies, but in the last decade has fallen behind other jurisdictions in introducing SHS legislation that protects all workers. Bars, clubs and pubs remain the only public indoor spaces where smoking is legally permitted, despite SHS exposure in the hospitality industry being higher and affecting more people than in any other setting after domestic exposure. This paper examines the political dynamics that have shaped this incremental approach to SHS. METHODS: In-depth interviews with 21 key stakeholders in the state of New South Wales (NSW), including politicians, their advisors, health officials and tobacco control advocates, were conducted and subjected to thematic content analysis. Interviewees' comments provided insights into the dynamics surrounding the debates and outcomes of SHS legislative attempts and the current political environment, and about how to progress SHS legislation. RESULTS: SHS restrictions have been delayed by several broad factors: the influence of industry groups successfully opposing regulation; issue wear-out; and political perceptions that there is not a salient constituency demanding that smoking be banned in bars and clubs. Interviewees also provided suggestions of strategies that advocates might utilise to best overcome the current political inertia of incremental compromises and achieve timely comprehensive smoking bans. CONCLUSION: Advocates concerned to shorten the duration of incremental endgames must continue to insist that governments address SHS fundamentally as a health issue rather than making political concessions to industry groups, and should broaden and amplify community voices calling on governments to finish the job. Publicity to the growing number of state and national governments that have successfully implemented total bans over the past decade is likely to make incrementalism an increasingly unattractive political option

Global Health Governance and the Commercial Sector: A Documentary Analysis of Tobacco Company Strategies to Influence the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control

Heide Weishaar and colleagues did an analysis of internal tobacco industry documents together with other data and describe the industry's strategic response to the proposed World Health Organization Framework Convention on Tobacco Control