2,269 research outputs found
Berlusconi of the Left? Nichi Vendola and the narration of the new Italian Left
The paper discusses the political rise of Nichi Vendola, the charismatic founder of the new party of the Italian Left Sinistra, Ecologia e Liberta' (Left, Ecology and Freedom) and governor of the region of Apulia in southern Italy. It argues that many similarities exist with the forms of personalist and populist performances adopted by Berlusconi and Vendola, even though they have opposing aims and values. The dilemma Vendola faces his the extent to which his communicative arftulness can really fill the cultural void of the post-communist Italian Left
Creating the collective: social media, the Occupy Movement and its constitution as a collective actor
This paper examines the process through which Occupy activists came to constitute themselves as a collective actor and the role of social media in this process. The theoretical framework combines Melucci's (1996) theory of collective identity with insights from the field of organizational communication and particularly from the âCCOâ strand â short for âCommunication is Constitutive of Organizingâ. This allows us to conceptualize collective identity as an open-ended and dynamic process that is constructed in conversations and codified in texts. Based on interviews with Occupy activists in New York, London and other cities, I then discuss the communication processes through which the movement was drawing the boundaries with its environment, creating codes and foundational documents, as well as speaking in a collective voice. The findings show that social media tended to blur the boundaries between the inside and the outside of the movement in a way that suited its values of inclusiveness and direct participation. Social media users could also follow remotely the meetings of the general assembly where the foundational documents were ratified, but their voices were not included in the process. The presence of the movement on social media also led to conflicts and negotiations around Occupy's collective voice as constructed on these platforms. Thus, viewing the movement as a phenomenon emerging in communication allows us an insight into the efforts of Occupy activists to create a collective that was both inclusive of the 99% and a distinctive actor with its own identity
Digital activism: After the hype
Research on digital activism has gained traction in recent years. At the same time, it remains a diverse and open field that lacks a coherent mode of inquiry. For the better or worse, digital activism remains a fuzzy term. In this introduction to a special issue on digital activism, we review current attempts to periodize and historicize digital activism. Although there is growing body of research on digitial activism, many contributions remain limited through their ahistorical approach and the digital universalism that they imply. Based on the contributions to the special issue, we argue for studying digital activisms in a way that traverses a two-dimensional axis of digital technologies and activist practices, striking the balance between context and media-specificity
Representing environmental harm and resistance on Twitter: The case of the TAP pipeline
This research explores a new methodological path for doing green cultural criminological research via social media. It provides original case-study data and aims to stimulate further empirical and theoretical debate. In particular, the study explores how Twitter users have represented the harms related to an ongoing pipeline project in Italy (referred to as TAP), and the resistance to those harms. To these ends, it offers a virtual and visual ethnography of Twitter posts and posted images
Twitter: a useful tool for studying elections?
The 2015 General Election in the UK was the first to take place in the UK with Twitter as an important part of the social media landscape. This pilot project looked at 16 constituencies along Englandâs South Coast in order to investigate what impact, if any, Twitter had had on the campaign and the result and to investigate the efficacy, or otherwise, of using Twitter as a tool for studying election campaigns in terms of candidate and local party activism. On the basis of an analysis of almost half a million tweets the analysis concluded that there appeared to be a correlation between the rate at which parties and/or candidates responded to incoming tweets and their relative electoral performance but this was not demonstrable for all parties (it applied in particular to Labour and UKIP candidates). In addition, high rates of reply also appeared to have a positive impact on constituency turnout figures. The findings are not yet conclusive but suggest that Twitter could be a good indicator of general levels of local party activism. The research also sought to understand how candidates used Twitter differently and established a number of candidate âclassifiersâ. It also investigated the issues agenda that was dominating Twitter conversations during the campaign and found that Twitterâs agenda was closer to the publicâs than was that of the national media. The research also monitored the regional and local media in the 16 constituencies and discovered that their issues agenda was closer still to the publicâs. Overall it is difficult to conclude that Twitter had a major impact on the election campaign
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Estradiol promotes pentose phosphate pathway addiction and cell survival via reactivation of Akt in mTORC1 hyperactive cells
Lymphangioleiomyomatosis (LAM) is a female-predominant interstitial lung disease that can lead to respiratory failure. LAM cells typically have inactivating TSC2 mutations, leading to mTORC1 activation. The gender specificity of LAM suggests that estradiol contributes to disease development, yet the underlying pathogenic mechanisms are not completely understood. Using metabolomic profiling, we identified an estradiol-enhanced pentose phosphate pathway signature in Tsc2-deficient cells. Estradiol increased levels of cellular NADPH, decreased levels of reactive oxygen species, and enhanced cell survival under oxidative stress. Mechanistically, estradiol reactivated Akt in TSC2-deficient cells in vitro and in vivo, induced membrane translocation of glucose transporters (GLUT1 or GLUT4), and increased glucose uptake in an Akt-dependent manner. 18F-FDG-PET imaging demonstrated enhanced glucose uptake in xenograft tumors of Tsc2-deficient cells from estradiol-treated mice. Expression array study identified estradiol-enhanced transcript levels of glucose-6-phosphate dehydrogenase (G6PD), the rate-limiting enzyme of the pentose phosphate pathway. Consistent with this, G6PD was abundant in xenograft tumors and lung metastatic lesions of Tsc2-deficient cells from estradiol-treated mice. Molecular depletion of G6PD attenuated estradiol-enhanced survival in vitro, and treatment with 6-aminonicotinamide, a competitive inhibitor of G6PD, reduced lung colonization of Tsc2-deficient cells. Collectively, these data indicate that estradiol promotes glucose metabolism in mTORC1 hyperactive cells through the pentose phosphate pathway via Akt reactivation and G6PD upregulation, thereby enhancing cell survival under oxidative stress. Interestingly, a strong correlation between estrogen exposure and G6PD was also found in breast cancer cells. Targeting the pentose phosphate pathway may have therapeutic benefit for LAM and possibly other hormonally dependent neoplasms
The Web will kill them all: new media, digital utopia, and political struggle in the Italian 5-Star Movement
This article examines the role of discourses about
new media technology and the Web in the
rise of the 5-Star Movement (Movimento 5 Stelle, or
M5S) in Italy. Founded by comedian and
activist Beppe Grillo and Web entrepreneur Gianrobe
rto Casaleggio in 2009, this movement
succeeded in becoming the second largest party at t
he 2013 national elections in Italy. This
article aims to discuss how elements of digital uto
pia and Web-centric discourses have been
inserted into the movementâs political message, and
how the construction of the Web as a myth
has shaped the movementâs discourse and political p
ractice. The 5-Star Movement is compared
and contrasted with other social and political move
ments in Western countries which have
displayed a similar emphasis on new media, such as
the Occupy movement, the Indignados
movement, and the Pirate Parties in Sweden and Germ
any. By adopting and mutating cyber-
utopian discourses from the so-called Californian i
deology, the movement symbolically identifies
itself with the Web. The traditional political esta
blishment is associated with âoldâ media
(television, radio, and the printed press), and rep
resented as a âwalking dead,â doomed to be
superseded and buried by a Web-based direct democra
cy
Connective Memory Work on Justice for Mike Brown
This chapter addresses what I term the "connective memory work" carried out on Facebook page dedicated to achieving justice for Michael Brown, an African America teenager whose death at the gun of white police officer Darren Wilson in early August 2014 led to the Ferguson protests. The chapter outlines four types of connective memory work evident on the page. These types include the âmemetic resurrectionâ that involved the appropriation of iconic historical imagery alongside those of networked commemoration, digital archiving and curation, and crowd reconstruction. Central to this contribution the call to rethink the digital memory work practices of activists so as to integrate a concern for the agency of social media platforms themselves.<br/
15 years of protest and media technologies scholarship: A sociotechnical timeline
This article investigates the relationship between the invention of new media technologies and scholarship concerning protest and political engagement. Building on an innovative approach that moves beyond a systematic literature review, this article contributes to our understanding of scholarship concerning digital communication technologies and how they may have been adopted and shaped protest movements and political engagement. Based on visualizations, we draw a sociotechnical timeline of protest and media technology scholarship within three dimensions: technological development, methods and techniques, and the social phenomena under investigation. The article concludes by identifying major trends in protest and media technologies scholarship over the past 15âyears. The sociotechnical timeline enhances our understanding of academic discourse at the intersection of protest and media technologies by highlighting shortcomings and potential for future research
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