The effect of 3-indoleacetic acid on the response of Lactobacillus arabinosus 17-5 to nicotinamide

Lactobacillus arabinosus 17-5 has been widely used as an assay organism for nicotinic acid (NA) since the development of the method by Snell and Wright (1). Although it has been realized that other substances present in tissue extracts may interfere with the bioassay, the nature of such substances has not been elucidated. During an investigation of tryptophan metabolism in the pea plant, we studied the possible conversion of this compound to nicotinic acid, since such a transformation has been demonstrated to occur in numerous organisms (2-4). The method involved infiltration of tissue with large quantities of tryptophan and subsequent bioassay for nicotinic acid with Lactobacillus arabinosus 17-5. Certain anomalous results led us to believe that other metabolites of tryptophan were interfering with the assay. Because 3-indoleacetic acid (IAA) is a known plant metabolite of tryptophan (5), we tested it for possible interference with the assay, and, as described below, found that such interference may occur under certain circumstances

Citizenship, Values, & Cultural Concerns: What Americans Want From Immigration Reform

In February 2013, Public Religion Research Institute (PRRI), in partnership with the Brookings Institution, conducted one of the largest surveys ever fielded on immigration policy, immigrants, and religious and cultural changes in the U.S. The survey of nearly 4,500 American adults explores the many divisions -- political, religious, ethnic, geographical, and generational -- within the nation over core values and their relationship to immigration. The new survey also tracks key questions from surveys conducted by PRRI in 2010-2011. This report presents the results of these surveys

Modus Vivendi Beyond the Social Contract: Peace, Justice, and Survival in Realist Political Theory

This essay examines the promise of the notion of modus vivendi for realist political theory. I interpret recent theories of modus vivendi as affirming the priority of peace over justice, and explore several ways of making sense of this idea. I proceed to identify two key problems for modus vivendi theory, so conceived. Normatively speaking, it remains unclear how this approach can sustain a realist critique of Rawlsian theorizing about justice while avoiding a Hobbesian endorsement of absolutism. And conceptually, the theory remains wedded to a key feature of social contract theory: political order is conceived as based on agreement. This construes the horizontal tensions among individual or group agents in society as prior to the vertical, authoritative relations between authorities and their subjects. Political authority thereby appears from the start as a solution to societal conflict, rather than a problem in itself. I argue that this way of framing the issue abstracts from political experience. Instead I attempt to rethink the notion of modus vivendi from within the lived experience of political conflict, as oriented not primarily toward peace, but political survival. With this shift of perspective, the idea of modus vivendi shows us, pace Bernard Williams, that the “first political question” is not how to achieve order and stability, but rather: what can I live with

Can Modus Vivendi Save Liberalism from Moralism? A Critical Assessment of John Gray’s Political Realism

This chapter assesses John Gray’s modus vivendi-based justification for liberalism. I argue that his approach is preferable to the more orthodox deontological or teleological justificatory strategies, at least because of the way it can deal with the problem of diversity. But then I show how that is not good news for liberalism, for grounding liberal political authority in a modus vivendi undermines liberalism’s aspiration to occupy a privileged normative position vis-à-vis other kinds of regimes. So modus vivendi can save liberalism from moralism, but at cost many liberals will not be prepared to pay

No sex scandals please, we're French: French attitudes towards politicians' public and private conduct

The notion of distinct ‘public’ and ‘private’ spheres underpins much normative and practical engagement with political misconduct. What is less clear is whether citizens draw distinctions between misdemeanours in the ‘public’ and ‘private’ spheres, and whether they judge these in systematically different ways. This paper explores attitudes to political misconduct in France. French citizens are often said to be particularly relaxed about politicians’ private affairs, but there has been little empirical evidence for this proposition. Drawing on original survey data, this paper demonstrates clearly that French citizens draw a sharp distinction between politicians’ public and private transgressions, and are more tolerant of the latter

Citizenship Education and the Role of Immigrant Students in the Nordic Countries

This chapter addresses the issue of citizenship education and the role of immigrant students in the Nordic countries from the perspective of liberal theories of citizenship education. Liberal approaches to citizenship education have recently encountered rigorous critique: the critics argue that the supposedly democratic, rational, and neutral principles and ideals associated with liberal theories are in reality rooted in a particular way of life and national identity. Accordingly, inculcating these principles and ideals in citizenship education excludes and marginalizes students belonging to minorities, immigrant students in particular. This chapter aims to respond to this critique by separating between two branches of liberal theories of citizenship education, ‘patriotic’ and ‘political’. The chapter argues that while the ‘patriotic’ approach is vulnerable to the aforementioned critique, it does not apply to the ‘political’ line of thought. Rather, the ‘political’ approach, rooted in John Rawls’ political liberalism and the notion of reasonableness, provides a foundation for criticizing policies and practices that marginalize students with immigrant backgrounds. Finally, utilizing Rawlsian theory of citizenship education as a starting point, the chapter makes some suggestions on how the status of immigrant students could be improved in the Nordic countries.Peer reviewe

African Challenges to the International Criminal Court: An Example of Populism?

Recent global efforts of the United States and England to withdraw from international institutions, along with recent challenges to human rights courts from Poland and Hungary, have been described as part of a growing global populist backlash against the liberal international order. Several scholars have even identified the recent threat of mass withdrawal of African states from the International Criminal Court (ICC) as part of this global populist backlash. Are the African challenges to the ICC part of a global populist movement developing in Africa? More fundamentally, how are the African challenges to the ICC examples of populism, if at all? In this paper, I show that, while there is considerable overlap between the strategies used by particular African leaders to challenge the ICC and those typically considered populist, as well as a discernible thin populist ideology to sustain them, there is insufficient evidence of a larger anti-ICC populist movement in Africa. Although Africa is not as united against the ICC as the populist narrative suggests, the recent challenges to the Court from Africa pose a significant challenge to the Court, as the institution is still in the early stages of building its legitimacy

Towards a framework for critical citizenship education

Increasingly countries around the world are promoting forms of "critical" citizenship in the planned curricula of schools. However, the intended meaning behind this term varies markedly and can range from a set of creative and technical skills under the label "critical thinking" to a desire to encourage engagement, action and political emancipation, often labelled "critical pedagogy". This paper distinguishes these manifestations of the "critical" and, based on an analysis of the prevailing models of critical pedagogy and citizenship education, develops a conceptual framework for analysing and comparing the nature of critical citizenship