60 research outputs found

    Gertrude Elizabeth Smith (1894-1985)

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    WOMEN’S PROPERTY AT GORTYN

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    In two earlier articles (Gagarin 2008, 2012) I argued first, that women could own property in their own right and could manage and dispose of it without the need of a “guardian” (kyrios), such as we find at Athens, that they could appear in court on their own as plaintiffs or defendants, and that they had more rights in choosing a husband than Athenian women. Second, we can infer from the wording of the laws at Gortyn that women’s rights in these respects had only recently been granted or had been expanded, and that resistance to these greater rights led to greater protection for women in the Gortyn Code. Third, the Code suggests, however, that despite these greater rights, most women probably continued to live fairly traditional lives, allowing men to manage their property as they always had. This paper defends these views against objections raised by Alberto Maffi in Maffi 2012 and in this same journal (Dike 15), as well as by two anonymous readers.In due articoli precedenti (Gagarin 2008, 2012) ho sostenuto che le donne potevano essere proprietarie di beni, e potevano amministrarli e disporre di essi senza bisogno dell’intervento di un tutore (kyrios), quale troviamo invece ad Atene; che potevano stare in giudizio per proprio conto sia in veste di attore che di convenuto, e che avevano maggiore libertà di scegliersi un marito rispetto alle donne ateniesi. In secondo luogo possiamo desumere dal testo delle leggi di Gortina che i diritti delle donne riguardo a questi punti sono stati garantiti o addirittura accresciuti solo in tempi recenti, e che la resistenza a questo ampliamento dei loro diritti ha condotto a una protezione accentuata delle donne nel Codice di Gortina. In terzo luogo il Codice induce a ritenere che, nonostante questo accrescimento di diritti, la maggior parte delle donne probabilmente continuava a vivere secondo canoni tradizionali, consentendo agli uomini di amministrare i loro beni come era sempre avvenuto. Questo articolo ribadisce questi punti di vista contro le obiezioni sollevate da Alberto Maffi 2012 e in questo stesso numero della rivista (Dike 15), nonché da due anonimi revisori

    The Truth of Antiphon\u27s \u27Truth\u27

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    My intention in this paper is to explore some of the implications of the fact that the fifth century sophistic thinker Antiphon entitled his main sophistic treatise, published in two books. Truth (Alêtheia). As in the case of Protagoras\u27 treatise of the same name, this title may be understood as an indication that Antiphon is responding to Parmenides\u27 Way o f Truth and is affirming his own view of the truth about the world, that physis is more real or truer than nomos, or in other words, statements are true if and only if they correspond to physis, but not to nomos. I have no quarrel with seeing Antiphon\u27s Truth as in some respect a response to Parmenides, but I think the relationship between the works of these thinkers is more complex, and these titles raise fundamental questions about what each author, and their contemporaries, understood by truth

    End of organised atheism. The genealogy of the law on freedom of conscience and its conceptual effects in Russia

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    In the current climate of the perceived alliance between the Russian Orthodox Church and the state, atheist activists in Moscow share a sense of juridical marginality that they seek to mitigate through claims to equal rights between believers and atheists under the Russian law on freedom of conscience. In their demands for their constitutional rights, including the right to political critique, atheist activists come across as figures of dissent at risk of the state's persecution. Their experiences constitute a remarkable (and unexamined in anthropology) reversal of political and ideological primacy of state-sponsored atheism during the Soviet days. To illuminate the legal context of the atheists’ current predicament, the article traces an alternative genealogy of the Russian law on freedom of conscience from the inception of the Soviet state through the law's post-Soviet reforms. The article shows that the legal reforms have paved the way for practical changes to the privileged legal status of organized atheism and brought about implicit conceptual effects that sideline the Soviet meaning of freedom of conscience as freedom from religion and obscure historical references to conscience as an atheist tenet of Soviet ethics

    Testing gravitational-wave searches with numerical relativity waveforms: Results from the first Numerical INJection Analysis (NINJA) project

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    The Numerical INJection Analysis (NINJA) project is a collaborative effort between members of the numerical relativity and gravitational-wave data analysis communities. The purpose of NINJA is to study the sensitivity of existing gravitational-wave search algorithms using numerically generated waveforms and to foster closer collaboration between the numerical relativity and data analysis communities. We describe the results of the first NINJA analysis which focused on gravitational waveforms from binary black hole coalescence. Ten numerical relativity groups contributed numerical data which were used to generate a set of gravitational-wave signals. These signals were injected into a simulated data set, designed to mimic the response of the Initial LIGO and Virgo gravitational-wave detectors. Nine groups analysed this data using search and parameter-estimation pipelines. Matched filter algorithms, un-modelled-burst searches and Bayesian parameter-estimation and model-selection algorithms were applied to the data. We report the efficiency of these search methods in detecting the numerical waveforms and measuring their parameters. We describe preliminary comparisons between the different search methods and suggest improvements for future NINJA analyses.Comment: 56 pages, 25 figures; various clarifications; accepted to CQ

    “Others-in-Law”: Legalism in the Economy of Religious Differences

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    Religious legalism encompasses a wide range of attitudes that assign religious meaning to legal content or to legal compliance. The phenomenology of religious legalism is assuming a significant role in various contemporary debates about legal pluralism, accommodation of religious minorities, religious freedom, and so forth. This article revises this conception and the commonplace equation of Judaism and legalism. It suggests that we ought to regard both as part of the economy of religious differences by which religious identities are expressed and defined as alternatives. The common ascription of religious legalism to Judaism (and Islam) is criticized here through a historical analysis of the law-religion-identity matrix in three cultural settings: late ancient Judeo-Hellenic, medieval Judeo–Arabic, and post-Reformation Europe

    Early Greek law

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    Drawing on the evidence of anthropology as well as ancient literature and inscriptions, Gagarin examines the emergence of law in Greece from the 8th through the 6th centuries B.C., that is, from the oral culture of Homer and Hesiod to the written enactment of codes of law in most major cities

    The Testimony of Witnesses in the Gortyn Laws

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