Community Policing and Intelligence-Led Policing: An Examination of Convergent or Discriminant Validity

Purpose Despite increased scholarly inquiry regarding intelligence-led policing (ILP) and popularity among law enforcement agencies around the globe, ambiguity remains regarding the conceptual foundation and appropriate measurement of ILP. Although most scholars agree that ILP is indeed a unique policing philosophy, there is less consensus regarding the relationship between ILP and the ever-present model of community-oriented policing (COP). Consequently, there is a clear need to study the empirical distinctions and overlaps in these policing philosophies as implemented by US law enforcement agencies. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach Data were gleaned from the 2007 LEMAS and 2009 NIJ Intelligence surveys. A total of 227 unique police agencies in the USA are included. A series of bivariate, exploratory factor analyses and structural models are used to determine discriminatory or convergent validity across COP and ILP constructs. Findings The goal was to answer the question: are these two policing philosophies are being implemented as separate and distinct strategies? Results of our exploratory and structural models indicate that COP and ILP loaded on unique latent constructs. This affirms the results of the bivariate correlations, and indicates that COP and ILP have discriminant measurement validity. In other words, COP and ILP are conceptually distinct, even when implemented in police departments across the USA. Implications of these findings and suggestions for future research are discussed. Originality/value This is the first study to empirically test the discriminant or convergent validity of COP and ILP

Successful Bullying Prevention Programs: Influence of Research Design, Implementation Features, and Program Components

Bullying prevention programs have been shown to be generally effective in reducing bullying and victimization. However, the effects are relatively small in randomized experiments and greater in quasi-experimental and age-cohort designs. Programs that are more intensive and of longer duration (for both children and teachers) are more effective, as are programs containing more components. Several program components are associated with large effect sizes, including parent training or meetings and teacher training. These results should inform the design and evaluation of anti-bullying programs in the future, and a system of accreditation of effective programs

Psychopathy and Suicidal Thoughts and Behaviors Revisited: Results From a Statewide Population of Institutionalized Youth

Suicide is the leading cause of death for incarcerated youth, and up to half of all juveniles in confinement experience suicidal ideation in addition to other psychopathology, including psychopathic personality features. Unfortunately, limited research has investigated the psychopathy–suicidality link among juvenile delinquents and using newer psychopathy measures. Based upon a statewide population of incarcerated juvenile offenders, we found that psychopathy was a significant risk factor for suicidal ideation and lifetime suicide attempts, but the latter relationship was attenuated by lifetime depression diagnosis. In addition, certain affective psychopathic features such as Stress Immunity conferred protection against suicidality, whereas behavioral and lifestyle components including Carefree Nonplanfulness, Blame Externalization, and Rebellious Nonconformity were positively linked to suicidal thoughts among the youth offenders. As these risk factors are routinely screened for in juvenile justice settings, this study’s findings have considerable implications to applied practice and prevention among juvenile justice involved youth

Categorically complex: A latent class analysis of public perceptions of police militarization

Purpose: The events in Ferguson, MO in 2014 renewed national attention to the issue of militarization of law enforcement. Despite scrutiny from policymakers and community stakeholders, little is known regarding the public\u27s opinion on police militarization (PM), or the factors shaping these views. This problem is magnified because individuals may support or oppose PM for a variety of reasons, but the characteristics of these supporters and opposers is currently unknown. This study aims to examine the distinct types of individuals who support or oppose PM, and the normative, instrumental, and demographic factors that distinguish within- and between-groups of supporters and opposers of PM. Methods: Using a national sample of 702 American adults, a series of Latent Class Analyses were conducted using data on normative and instrumental characteristics of individuals who support and oppose PM. Results: Results indicate three unique sub-types of PM supporters and two unique sub-types of opposers, and each contain a distinct combination of normative and instrumental concerns and beliefs. Normative orientations distinguish between overall PM supporters and opposers. Within-group variations appear to be a function of additional characteristics. Conclusions: These findings demonstrate the complexity of the public sentiment toward this controversial topic in contemporary American policing

Public support for police use of SWAT: examining the relevance of legitimacy

For five decades, law enforcement agencies have developed specialized units, such as Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) teams, for dealing with dangerous situations. In recent years, the uses of SWAT have expanded to a number of circumstances. The President’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing noted that improper use of SWAT may damage the publics’ relationship with police. The current study examines public support for police use of SWAT across a number of different situations, using a national sample of 702 American adults. Descriptive statistics indicate widespread support for the use of SWAT in circumstances associated with hostage situations and terror events, with lower levels of support for circumstances involving the serving of drug warrants, large-scale public events, and peaceful protests, among others. Results from a series of logistic regressions indicate that legitimacy has inconsistent effects on public support for police use of SWAT across circumstances. Implications for theory and policy are discussed

Legal socialization and selective exposure to “cop-watching” websites

Purpose: The legitimacy crisis faced by law enforcement has been suggested to be the result of a new media environment where citizens can record encounters with police and place these recordings online. The purpose of this paper is to examine the motives of individuals who cop-watch, or record the police, but not the factors influencing visiting cop-watching websites. Design/methodology/approach: Using a cross-sectional, national sample of 702 American adults, and drawing on theories of legal socialization and selective exposure, the current study examines the prevalence and correlates visiting “cop-watching” websites. Findings: Approximately 9 percent of the sample reports having ever visited these sites. Results from a series of logistic regressions indicate legal cynicism is positively associated with having ever visited these sites, having done so recently, following these sites on social media and visiting these sites more frequently after Ferguson. Police legitimacy reduced the likelihood that individuals had ever visited these sites, but was unrelated to other outcomes. Research limitations/implications: The cross-sectional nature of the survey precludes discussion of causality, but results are fairly consistent with theoretical expectations. Originality/value: The current study reflects an early attempt to understand correlates of public consumption of “cop-watching” material

The Long Shadow of Ferguson: Legitimacy, Legal Cynicism, and Public Perceptions of Police Militarization

This study examines public perceptions of police militarization, specifically whether individuals believe police are too militarized, and support for practices associated with militarization. Drawing on concepts found in the legal socialization literature—legitimacy and legal cynicism—this study tests hypotheses regarding whether these constructs influence perceptions of militarization. Using a national sample of 702 American adults, a series of ordinary least squares regression models are used to analyze the relationships between legitimacy, cynicism, and perceptions of police militarization. Results suggested that higher levels of legitimacy reduced beliefs that police are too militarized while also increasing support for practices associated with militarization. Cynicism increased beliefs that the police are too militarized, but had no effect on support for militarization. Perceptions of militarization are thus influenced by legal socialization

Are the Effects of Legitimacy and Its Components Invariant? Operationalization and the Generality of Sunshine and Tyler’s Empowerment Hypothesis

Objectives: To assess whether the relationship between legitimacy and police empowerment is sensitive to the operationalization of legitimacy, and whether the effects of legitimacy and its components on empowerment are invariant. Empowerment is examined in the context of police militarization—public support for the discretionary use of surplus military equipment by law enforcement. Method: Using a national sample of 702 American adults and a series of ordinary least squares regressions, the direct and interactive effects of legitimacy and its components on empowerment are examined. Results: The composite measure of legitimacy, as well as its individual components, each exert direct effects on police empowerment. Instrumental factors have persisting, albeit weaker, effects relative to normative factors. Interaction terms between the composite legitimacy measure or its components and sociodemographic characteristics were not statistically significant. In short, the effects of legitimacy and its components on empowerment appear invariant. Conclusions: Findings provide additional evidence of the generality of Tyler’s process–based model and extend these considerations to the burgeoning literature on public empowerment of police

Assessing the Direct and Indirect Effects of Legitimacy on Public Empowerment of Police: A Study of Public Support for Police Militarization in America

The process-based model dominates contemporary American research on police-community relations and perceptions of police. A sizable literature has examined the linkages between procedural justice, legitimacy, compliance with the law, and cooperation with police. Less examined is the relationship between legitimacy and public empowerment of police. This study examines this relationship, focusing on police militarization. We first examine the direct effect of legitimacy on public willingness to allow police to become more militarized. Drawing from cognitive psychology and rational choice theories, we then consider indirect paths between legitimacy and empowerment, concentrating on two anticipated consequences of militarization—an increase in police effectiveness and possible harm to civil liberties. Using a national sample of over 700 American adults, and structural equation modeling, results indicate legitimacy has both direct and indirect effects on police empowerment, in part by shaping assessments of the possible consequences of empowerment. Implications for theory and policy are discussed