Popular Consultation and Referendum in the Making of Contemporary Cuban Socialist Democracy Practice and Constitutional Theory

The language of democracy and democratic organization is usually spoken only in the vernacular of liberal democracy. Liberal democracy, mostly of western origin centers legitimacy of a political order on open, full, and free election for representatives, as well as a substantially unregulated civic space in which individuals and others can engage in political discourse. This essentially exogenous form of democratic organization has been increasingly challenged in the 21st century by an alternative model of endogenous democracy more compatible with states organized along Marxist Leninist principles. These emerging forms of endogenous democratic practices have been developed along two distinct lines, one embedded in developing principles for Chinese Marxism-Leninism, and the other grounded in the leadership of Raúl Castro from 2011. It traces the pragmatic and theoretic developments from early efforts around the development of the Guidelines for Reform of 2011, through the articulation of a new political and economic model in 2016, and then emerging in its current 2.0 form in the elaborate process of popular consultation and affirmation of the 2019 Cuban Constitution. The paper covers the challenges, contradictions, and potential for this endogenous form of democracy

Il XX Congresso del Partito Comunista Cinese e la “sinizzazione del Marxismo”

Il XX Congresso nazionale del Partito Comunista Cinese ha posto una notevole enfasi sulla "sinizzazione del Marxismo". Intesa come "integrazione del Marxismo nella realtà specifica della Cina", la "sinizzazione" è stata discussa nella seconda sezione della relazione di Xi Jinping, prima di svelare le priorità economiche, organizzative, sociali e ambientali della Cina per i prossimi cinque anni. Nella storia del Partito Comunista Cinese, tale attenzione alla "sinizzazione del Marxismo" ha un solo precedente simile, risalente al 1938. Il presente articolo considera la "sinizzazione del Marxismo" come un elemento chiave all'interno dell'ontologia dei concetti politici su cui si basa il sistema di governo interno cinese. Questa mossa metodologica consente di ripercorrere le fasi chiave della creazione, della scomparsa e della rinascita della "sinizzazione" e di valutare il ruolo che essa svolge oggi nella governance interna ed estera della Cina. La "sinizzazione del Marxismo" non ha l'obiettivo di distribuire o ridistribuire risorse o opportunità. Né questo concetto è stato ripreso per regolare o modificare il comportamento di individui, entità economiche e istituzioni. Le questioni in gioco, alla base del processo di "sinizzazione", operano al livello più alto della politica. Riguardano la messa a punto del rapporto tra il governo e la società cinese e il riassetto dei legami tra la Cina e i suoi partner internazionali. La "sinizzazione del Marxismo" stabilisce la cornice principale all'interno della quale la politica interna ed estera può essere negoziata e definita e cerca di modellare gli spazi in cui tali processi di negoziazione possono avvenire

Lo Spirito del Cavallo Mongolo. Dizionario storico del linguaggio ufficiale politico e diplomatico della Repubblica popolare cinese

[Italiano]: Questo lavoro propone un prontuario dei novantanove termini che compaiono con maggiore frequenza nel discorso interno sulla politica, la società, l’ideologia, l’economia e le relazioni internazionali della Repubblica popolare cinese nel periodo dal 1978 al 2018. Il lavoro è solidamente ancorato nel settore delle scienze politiche e sociali. Reca un importante contributo allo studio della storia delle istituzioni politiche della Cina contemporanea poiché traccia l’origine storico-politica e ricostruisce l’evoluzione semantica di una parte del linguaggio politico e diplomatico attualmente in uso. L’obiettivo di quest’opera è agevolare la comprensione di un linguaggio talvolta ostico, criptico ed esoterico. Se un tempo l’uso di tale linguaggio era ristretto ad ambiti e subculture specifiche, il suo uso ormai trascende i confini della Cina. Tale semplice fatto rende necessaria non solo un’analisi puntuale del significato e dell’evoluzione del lessico politico e diplomatico cinese. Altrettanto importante è la divulgazione verso un pubblico non specializzato, composto da intellettuali, ma anche da imprenditori e dalla dirigenza politico-amministrativa locale e nazionale./ [English]: This monograph discusses the ninety-nine terms that appear most frequently in the internal discourse on politics, society, ideology, economics and international relations of the People's Republic of China from 1978 to 2018. The work is firmly anchored in the fields of politics and of the social sciences. It makes an important contribution to the study of the history of political institutions in contemporary China as it traces the historical-political origin and reconstructs the semantic evolution of a substantial part of the political and diplomatic language currently in use. The monograph has the goal to enable a deep understanding of a sometimes difficult, cryptic and esoteric language. If once the use of this language was restricted to specific fields of expertise, its use now transcends the borders of China. This simple fact requires not only a detailed analysis of the meaning and evolution of the Chinese political and diplomatic lexicon. Equally important is its disclosure to a non-specialized public, composed by intellectuals, but also entrepreneurs and local and national officials

Il corretto punto di vista sulla storia del Partito comunista cinese

The Chinese Communist Party plays a crucial role in attempting to create a metanarrative on the history of China. The specific means used to achieve this goal have been analyzed from the viewpoints of politics, history and ideology. The role that political “code-words” play in such a process is still under-explored. This contribution fills part of this gap by exploring the most recent political and ideological concepts that set the boundaries of acceptable discourses on history. Our analysis focuses on an article authored by the China Institute for Historical Research and published in the January 2021 issue of Qiushi. We decode the meaning that this article conveys to policy makers and intellectuals in the People’s Republic of China. We also unveil the meaning that this and similar texts might hide to international observers, who do not enjoy an unmediated access to Chinese language sources.Il Partito comunista cinese svolge un ruolo cruciale nel tentativo di creare una metanarrativa sulla storia della Cina. I mezzi specifici utilizzati per raggiungere questo obiettivo sono stati analizzati dal punto di vista della politica, della storia e dell'ideologia. Il ruolo che giocano le "parole in codice" politiche in tale processo è ancora poco esplorato. Questo contributo colma parte di questa lacuna esplorando i concetti politici e ideologici più recenti che fissano i confini dei discorsi accettabili sulla storia. La nostra analisi si concentra su un articolo scritto dall'Istituto cinese per la ricerca storica e pubblicato nel numero di gennaio 2021 di Qiushi. Decodificheremo il significato che questo articolo trasmette ai politici e agli intellettuali nella Repubblica popolare cinese, svelando anche il significato che questo e altri testi simili potrebbero nascondere agli osservatori internazionali, che non godono di un accesso immediato alle fonti in lingua cinese

Wielding the sword: President Xi’s new anti-corruption campaign

A state achieves legitimacy through multiple sources, one of which is the effectiveness of its governance. Generations of scholars since Hobbes have identified the maintenance of peace and order as core functions of a legitimate state. In the modern world, economic prosperity, social stability and effective control of corruption often provide adequate compensation for a deficit of democracy. Corruption closely correlates with legitimacy. While a perceived pervasive, endemic corruption undermines the legitimacy of a regime, a successful anti-corruption campaign can allow a regime to recover from a crisis of legitimacy (Gilley 2009; Seligson and Booth 2009). This is the rationale behind the periodical campaigns against corruption that have been conducted by the Chinese Communist Party (‘Party’ or ‘CCP’) (Manion 2004; Wedeman 2012). Political leaders in China have found it expedient to use anti-corruption campaigns to remove their political foes, to rein in the bureaucracy and to restore public confidence in their ability to rule. Through anti-corruption campaigns, emerging political leaders consolidate their political power, secure loyalty from political factions and regional political forces, and enhance their legitimacy in the eyes of the general public. In an authoritarian state that experiences a high level of corruption, an anti-corruption campaign is a delicate political battle that addresses two significant concerns. The first concern is to orchestrate the campaign so that it is regime-reinforcing instead of regime-undermining. To remain credible, the regime must demonstrate its willingness and capacity to punish corrupt officials at the highest levels.preprin

Disease-Modifying Therapies and Coronavirus Disease 2019 Severity in Multiple Sclerosis

Objective: This study was undertaken to assess the impact of immunosuppressive and immunomodulatory therapies on the severity of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) in people with multiple sclerosis (PwMS). Methods: We retrospectively collected data of PwMS with suspected or confirmed COVID-19. All the patients had complete follow-up to death or recovery. Severe COVID-19 was defined by a 3-level variable: mild disease not requiring hospitalization versus pneumonia or hospitalization versus intensive care unit (ICU) admission or death. We evaluated baseline characteristics and MS therapies associated with severe COVID-19 by multivariate and propensity score (PS)-weighted ordinal logistic models. Sensitivity analyses were run to confirm the results. Results: Of 844 PwMS with suspected (n = 565) or confirmed (n = 279) COVID-19, 13 (1.54%) died; 11 of them were in a progressive MS phase, and 8 were without any therapy. Thirty-eight (4.5%) were admitted to an ICU; 99 (11.7%) had radiologically documented pneumonia; 96 (11.4%) were hospitalized. After adjusting for region, age, sex, progressive MS course, Expanded Disability Status Scale, disease duration, body mass index, comorbidities, and recent methylprednisolone use, therapy with an anti-CD20 agent (ocrelizumab or rituximab) was significantly associated (odds ratio [OR] = 2.37, 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.18-4.74, p = 0.015) with increased risk of severe COVID-19. Recent use (<1 month) of methylprednisolone was also associated with a worse outcome (OR = 5.24, 95% CI = 2.20-12.53, p = 0.001). Results were confirmed by the PS-weighted analysis and by all the sensitivity analyses. Interpretation: This study showed an acceptable level of safety of therapies with a broad array of mechanisms of action. However, some specific elements of risk emerged. These will need to be considered while the COVID-19 pandemic persists

COVID-19 Severity in Multiple Sclerosis: Putting Data Into Context

Background and objectives: It is unclear how multiple sclerosis (MS) affects the severity of COVID-19. The aim of this study is to compare COVID-19-related outcomes collected in an Italian cohort of patients with MS with the outcomes expected in the age- and sex-matched Italian population. Methods: Hospitalization, intensive care unit (ICU) admission, and death after COVID-19 diagnosis of 1,362 patients with MS were compared with the age- and sex-matched Italian population in a retrospective observational case-cohort study with population-based control. The observed vs the expected events were compared in the whole MS cohort and in different subgroups (higher risk: Expanded Disability Status Scale [EDSS] score > 3 or at least 1 comorbidity, lower risk: EDSS score ≤ 3 and no comorbidities) by the χ2 test, and the risk excess was quantified by risk ratios (RRs). Results: The risk of severe events was about twice the risk in the age- and sex-matched Italian population: RR = 2.12 for hospitalization (p < 0.001), RR = 2.19 for ICU admission (p < 0.001), and RR = 2.43 for death (p < 0.001). The excess of risk was confined to the higher-risk group (n = 553). In lower-risk patients (n = 809), the rate of events was close to that of the Italian age- and sex-matched population (RR = 1.12 for hospitalization, RR = 1.52 for ICU admission, and RR = 1.19 for death). In the lower-risk group, an increased hospitalization risk was detected in patients on anti-CD20 (RR = 3.03, p = 0.005), whereas a decrease was detected in patients on interferon (0 observed vs 4 expected events, p = 0.04). Discussion: Overall, the MS cohort had a risk of severe events that is twice the risk than the age- and sex-matched Italian population. This excess of risk is mainly explained by the EDSS score and comorbidities, whereas a residual increase of hospitalization risk was observed in patients on anti-CD20 therapies and a decrease in people on interferon

DMTs and Covid-19 severity in MS: a pooled analysis from Italy and France

We evaluated the effect of DMTs on Covid-19 severity in patients with MS, with a pooled-analysis of two large cohorts from Italy and France. The association of baseline characteristics and DMTs with Covid-19 severity was assessed by multivariate ordinal-logistic models and pooled by a fixed-effect meta-analysis. 1066 patients with MS from Italy and 721 from France were included. In the multivariate model, anti-CD20 therapies were significantly associated (OR = 2.05, 95%CI = 1.39–3.02, p < 0.001) with Covid-19 severity, whereas interferon indicated a decreased risk (OR = 0.42, 95%CI = 0.18–0.99, p = 0.047). This pooled-analysis confirms an increased risk of severe Covid-19 in patients on anti-CD20 therapies and supports the protective role of interferon