31 research outputs found

    Suburban ethnicities: Home as the site of interethnic conviviality and racism

    Get PDF
    This is the final version. Available on open access from Wiley via the DOI in this recordThis article explores the ways in which the white working class residents of a suburban English town reflect on their relationships with their British Asian Pakistani Muslim neighbours. Its focus is on how everyday constructions of home become sites for the intermingling of discourses of intercultural conviviality and racism. My contention is that the idea of home has not yet been given the detailed critical attention that it deserves in the sociological literature on everyday manifestations of multiculturalism, conviviality and racism. My supposition is that a special focus on the idea of home as the site of conviviality offers a productive avenue to analyse how intercultural relationships are formed and how the norms of neighbourliness are thought to break down, opening a space for commonplace racialized and racist stereotypes to take hold. The idea of home is central to the rhythm and landscape of the English suburbs. It conjures-up the idea of a uniform and aspirational white space. Drawing on this imaginary of home, I shall trace how ‘white working class’ ‘English’, ‘Scottish’ and ‘Anglo-Italian’ residents’ everyday constructions of home become embroiled with their relationships with their British Asian Pakistani Muslim neighbours.Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC

    Something ‘Old’, Something ‘New’? The UK Space of Political Attitudes After the Brexit Referendum

    Get PDF
    This study focuses on the political attitudes of UK citizens in the aftermath of the ‘Brexit’ vote. It has been argued that differences within electorates across Europe are found in disputes over taxes, redistribution of wealth and social welfare, as much as in divergent ideas on how to deal with globalisation, migration, and climate change. This article uses the 2016–2017 round of the European Social Survey (N = 1959) to shed light on two important issues in regard to the relationship between ‘old’ and ‘new’ politics. By using multiple correspondence analysis, we first consider the structure, or dimensionality, of the space of political attitudes in contemporary UK society. Contrary to a prevailing discourse that forwards the argument that postmaterial values constitute an altogether separate political dimension in late modernity, we observe that such values collapse into traditional left/right standpoints. Second, we discuss the connection between class (economic capital, cultural capital, and occupational class) and position-takings in the space of political attitudes. We show that class retains a limited effect on political position-takings, where educational capital plays the most important role. The divisions between the politically interested–uninterested, old–young, men–women, and rural–urban are more clearly demarcated than differences between people of different social class positions. Furthermore, polarisation is most prevalent between a highly opinionated, relatively resourceful, small minority of the population

    Class in contemporary Britain: comparing the Cultural Capital and Social Exclusion (CCSE) project and the Great British Class Survey (GBCS)

    Get PDF
    The paper discusses the salience of class in Britain in relation to the experiment of the BBC–academic partnership of the Great British Class Survey (GBCS). It addresses the claimed inauguration of a third phase in class analysis in the UK sparked by the experiment. This is done by considering three main issues. First, the GBCS experiment is situated in the context of various explorations of cultural class analyses, and chiefly in relation to the Cultural Capital and Social Exclusion (CCSE) project (ESRC funded 2003–6). Secondly, the focus is on the influence of the academic turn to big data for the procedures and claims of the project, and some implications of the methodological choices. Thirdly, attention is turned to the deleterious effects of commercial and institutional pressures on the current research culture in which the experiment exists

    Back to the Future: The Uses of Television in the Digital Age

    Get PDF
    This article considers some of the present-day issues, challenges and possibilities facing television broadcasting via a critical examination of the recently published Goldsmiths report on the future of public service television in the twenty-first century. Focusing mainly on UK terrestrial broadcasters (BBC, ITV, Channel 4 and Channel 5), the article summarises and expands on the report's key findings and recommendations, particularly in relation to questions concerning digitalisation, content, diversity, quality, marketisation, funding and national and regional heritage. The article argues that, despite the rise of the Internet and the proliferation of digital platforms, television viewing remains a common source of information and entertainment and is characterised by meaningful continuities. Additionally, the article outlines the vitally important role played by David Puttnam, chair of the Goldsmiths inquiry, in defending public service television through his active engagement with relevant parliamentary committees and as a widely respected media professional. Finally, the article reflects on the continuing relevance of the 1962 Pilkington Report on Broadcasting, which was similarly commissioned in order to evaluate the purposes of television. In so doing, the article suggests that Pilkington's criticisms of creeping commercialism and the ensuing regulatory proposals still represent a cogent engagement with the idea of public service broadcasting as a primary facilitator of deliberative democracy

    The decline and persistence of the old boy: Private schools and elite recruitment 1897 to 2016

    No full text
    We draw on 120 years of biographical data (N = 120,764) contained within Who’s Who—a unique catalogue of the British elite—to explore the changing relationship between elite schools and elite recruitment. We find that the propulsive power of Britain’s public schools has diminished significantly over time. This is driven in part by the wane of military and religious elites, and the rise of women in the labor force. However, the most dramatic declines followed key educational reforms that increased access to the credentials needed to access elite trajectories, while also standardizing and differentiating them. Notwithstanding these changes, public schools remain extraordinarily powerful channels of elite formation. Even today, the alumni of the nine Clarendon schools are 94 times more likely to reach the British elite than are those who attended any other school. Alumni of elite schools also retain a striking capacity to enter the elite even without passing through other prestigious institutions, such as Oxford, Cambridge, or private members clubs. Our analysis not only points to the dogged persistence of the “old boy,” but also underlines the theoretical importance of reviving and refining the study of elite recruitment

    Feeling European in a globalised world and the role of mobility, networks and consumption : A comparative approach to British exceptionalism

    No full text
    This article rethinks European and global self-identification after the 2008 crash and the rise of populism and nationalism in Europe. Situating ourselves within the tradition of transactionalist theories, we run multinomial logistic regressions using data from the unusually comprehensive EUCROSS survey in Denmark, Germany, Italy, Romania, Spain, and the UK in 2012. We show that mobility, networks, and consumption practices are related to different kinds of national, European, and global identities among our respondents. Britain is distinctive in two ways. First, network and consumption practices induce a greater variation among British citizens in affecting their supranational feelings. Second, Britain sees a clearer differentiation between the forces of globalisation and Europeanisation. We conclude that the British are not, in any obvious ways, more nationalist than other nations, but that the strength of their ex-imperial networks means that their supranational identities can take a more anti-European form
    corecore