Monotonic magnetostriction for nonferromagnetic materials

Monotonic magnetostriction for nonferromagnetic material

Random phase approximation for the anisotropic Heisenberg ferromagnet

Anisotropic Heisenberg ferromagnets in random phase and spin wave approximatio

Fiber waveguide sensors for intelligent materials

This report, an addendum to the six month report submitted to NASA Langley Research Center in December 1987, covers research performed by the Fiber and Electro-Optics Research Center (FEORC) at Virginia Tech for the NASA Langley Research Center, Grant NAG1-780, for the period from December 1987 to June 1988. This final report discusses the research performed in the following four areas as described in the proposal: Fabrication of Sensor Fibers Optimized for Embedding in Advanced Composites; Fabrication of Sensor Fiber with In-Line Splices and Evaluation via OTR methods; Modal Domain Optical Fiber Sensor Analysis; and Acoustic Fiber Waveguide Implementation

The characterization of peronist youth in the speech of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner

Neste trabalho eu proponho-me analisar as representações sociais em torno à juventude militante que constrói a presidenta argentina em seu discurso dos 14 de setembro de 2010 no estádio Luna Park. Demonstrará-se como Cristina Fernández constrói a seus destinatários diretos, a Juventude Peronista, a partir de uma tensão entre a inclusão o a exclusão em um mesmo coletivo de identificação. Assim, forman parte do mesmo grupo, em tanto quadros do peronismo. Contudo, não pode deixar de tomar conta das diferenças: pertencem a distintas gerações. A comparação entre a denominada juventude maravilhosa (na que Fernández de Kirchner se inclui) e a atual juventude do bicentenário permite-lhe a presidenta ubicar-se na função de maior dentro de uma comunidade compartilhada e gerar um vínculo baseado no mandato. A investigação inscreve-se dentro da análise crítico do discurso e utiliza as ferramentas metodológicas da linguística sistêmico-funcional.This article analyzes the social representations of the the militant youth made by Argentina’s president in her speech delivered on September 14th, 2010, at the Luna Park stadium. The aim is to show how Cristina Fernández positioned her direct recipients, the Peronist Youth, from a tension between inclusion and exclusion in the same collective identification. Although many fans are part of the same group, the Peronist, she cannot avoid the differences: they belong to different generations. The comparison between the so-called “Wonderful Youth”, in which Fernandez is included, and the current “Youth of the Bicentennial”, allow the President to place herself in a higher function within a shared community, creating a bond based upon her mandate. The research is grounded on the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis and uses the methodological tools of Systemic Functional Linguistics.Fil: Flax, Rocío. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentin

La articulación hegemónica en el discurso de la agrupación La Cámpora

Este trabajo forma parte de un proyecto que busca comprender la especificidad discursiva de una nueva agrupación política juvenil argentina denominada La Cámpora. Estudia una serie de discursos pertenecientes a la página web de la agrupación y sostiene la hipótesis de que La Cámpora constituye su identidad a partir de la tensión entre una estructura opositiva y la construcción de cadenas equivalenciales. En esta lógica es fundamental la configuración de enemigos políticos. En sus discursos, la agrupación despliega, como estrategia, dos polos diferenciados que corresponden, según el caso, a temporalidades distintas o a diferentes actores sociales contemporáneos.Fil: Flax, Rocío. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentin

Cristina Kirchner and the Newspapers: The Role of Young Supporters

En este artículo se analiza y contrapone la forma en que se representa, en la actualidad, a la juventud militante peronista en dos diarios argentinos de gran tirada: Clarín y Página 12. El primero es abiertamente opositor al gobierno, mientras que el segundo tiene una postura favorable. En esta ocasión, se seleccionaron las noticias que aparecieron en ambos diarios el 12 de marzo de 2011 referidas al acto político ocurrido el día anterior, en que se festejara el aniversario de la victoria electoral del presidente Héctor Cámpora en 1973. A partir del análisis, se observa que estos discursos no solo construyen una determinada imagen de la juventud militante, sino que dan cuenta de su rol dentro del proyecto político del kirchnerismo. Este rol es otorgado, según ambos diarios, por la Presidenta argentina. Sin embargo, mientras Clarín hace hincapié en la figura de Cristina Fernández y brinda –a través de la valoración de las emociones- una imagen más cercana a la noción peyorativa y corriente que se tiene del populismo (Laclau, 2005), Página 12 les da voz a los militantes y profundiza en sus acciones.This paper analyzes and compares Peronist young supporters in two large circulation daily newspapers, Clarín and Página 12. The former is a fierce government critic, while the latter is a pro-government newspaper. News published on March 12, 2011, in both newspapers were selected for the study. They referred to the political event of the previous day about the anniversary celebration of President Héctor Cámpora's election victory in 1973. The analyses show that these discourses create an image of the militant young people and also show their role in the political project of Kirchner's movement. This role is conferred by the President of Argentina, according to both daily newspapers. However, while Clarín focuses on Cristina Fernández's image by giving it pejorative meaning related with the notion of populism, by means of emotion valuation (Laclau, 2005), Página 12 gives voice to militants and highlights their actions.Fil: Flax, Rocío. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Instituto de Lingüística; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentin

Do you qualify to be a hate crime victim?

Consideration to hate crime can be traced to the beginning of the 1980s. Hate crime, as a criminal category, originated as a result of the collective suffering of minority groups who were subjected to discrimination, harassment and violence from majority communities (Gerstenfeld, 2013). A hate crime is defined as any criminal offence which is perceived, by the victim or any other person, to be motivated by a hostility or prejudice based on that person's actual or perceived race, religion, sexual orientation, disability or gender identity (College of Policing, 2014). Regardless of this important legal development, it is a fact that some victims of hate crime manage to have recourse to courts of law while others are not recognised as victims of hate crime despite meeting all the legal requirements. This article addresses this question, showing that in order to 'qualify' as a victim, the group or victim needs to benefit from some sort of 'social recognition'. In the first instance, this article highlights the significant impact that hate crime has on both individuals and communities. It then shows that neither meeting the legal definition of a hate crime nor being deeply effected by a hate crime, automatically 'qualifies' one to be a victim. It concludes from the above that the word 'victim' only takes its full meaning when it is examined against the social context in which an offence takes place and the social recognition any group might have gained to qualify as victim