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The construction of sub-section 6(5) of the Trusts of Land and Appointment of Trustees Act 1996: when is a "right" not a "right"?
Construes the Trusts of Land and Appointment of Trustees Act 1996 s.6(5) under which trustees of trusts of land are required to have regard to the rights of the beneficiaries when exercising the powers conferred on them under s.6, proposing a construction of the subsection which requires it to be read as a counterpart to the provisions of s.15. Considers the meaning to be attributed to the word "rights" in s.6(5). Explains the reasons for the proposed construction, applies it to an example scenario and identifies three advantages in adopting it
Working relationally with looked after children: the role of residential therapeutic carers
Section A is a literature review evaluating the role of Therapetuic Care Workers (TCWs) and Therapeutic Foster Carers (TFCs) working relationally with a sub-group of Looked After Children (LAC) who are highlighted as having intense emotional and behavioural needs. These LAC are thought to benefit from living in specialist, therapeutic placements where carers work relationally. However, to date, there is no known review evaluating relational residential interventions or the role of TCWs and TFCs. Therefore, literature exploring the theoretical underpinnings of the work, and the emotional impact and protective factors involved in the carer role is considered. Implications for future research and clinical practice are suggested.
Section B describes a qualitative study which explores how TCWs experience their role and their perceptions of the potential benefits for LAC. A qualitative design using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA; Smith, Flowers & Larkin, 2009) was applied.
Methods. Nine TCWs currently working in one of two therapeutic communities were interviewed.
Results. Five master themes were identified: âTherapeutic group livingâ; âImportance of carer-child relationshipsâ; âWorking with the unconsciousâ; âPersonal meaning of professional roleâ, and âChildrenâs progressâ. Participants considered that forums for reflection were crucial to their ability to think clearly and analytically about the children, and utilised psychodynamic concepts to gain insight into the childrenâs inner worlds. TCWsâ increased self-awareness was central to this process. Participants also reported experiencing their role as emotionally challenging. One focus of reflection was on the small steps of progress the children were perceived to achieve.
Conclusions. Overall, the findings suggested a synergy between relevant theory, descriptive accounts of therapeutic childcare, and TCWsâ perceptions of their role. New information regarding the personal investment of TCWs and internalisation of the framework of practice was identified. Further research is needed to extend the evidence-base. The clinical implications of the findings are discussed
Growth in the Real Size of Government since 1970
From at least 1893 economists have viewed income as an important determinant of government size and the hypothesis that government size increases with income is now enshrined in the literature as Wagnerâs Law. More recently, however, public choice economists and growth theorists have tended to reverse that causality by questioning whether government size is a constraint on (or promulgator of) economic growth. Typically, increases in government size arising from increased consumption are viewed as constraints on growth, while increases in size that arise from government investment are viewed as positive in their effect on growth. In this paper we are concerned with the two-way interrelationship between government size and income growth highlighted by these separate literatures and investigate this relationship in three distinct stages. In the first part of the paper we set out what has actually happened to the real size of government for twenty OECD countries over the period since 1970 and survey some of the newer factors and approaches used to explain its more recent evolution. The second part re-estimates the parameters of the demand curve for government allows us to speculate whether the changing pattern of government growth represents a break in the structure of the model determining government size or, more simply, represents a change in the variation of the underlying variables. We find that the same model works at least as well as it did in earlier periods with coefficients that are close to their earlier estimates. We follow this by estimating a simple growth model that highlights the size of government consumption in relation to income and output growth for the same countries over the same time period. Increases in size do appear to constrain economic growth. The third part of our paper recognizes that while each of the two causal relationships has received considerable attention in their own right, less attention has been given to effecting a separation of their co-mingled effects. To do so, we estimate the two relationships simultaneously in the context of our panel. This allows us assess whether ignoring the simultaneity of the two-way relationship seriously biases the measure of either the income effect (in determining government size) and/or the measure of governmentâs effect on economic growth when each are estimated separately. While our discussion suggests that single equation estimates of the income elasticity in Wagnerâs Law may have been biased upwards (in absolute terms) and the constraining effect of government size on growth biased downwards, our three stage estimates finds only modest support in the data. The paper concludes by exploring the interrelationship between government size and government regulation. In particular, we test the hypothesis that the appearance of slower growth in government side is due to the increased substitution of indirect control of private production for direct governmental output. On cross sectional data, we find the opposite. In our sample, larger government size is associated with more rather than less regulation.
The Potential of Token Tension: An Examination of the Keynote Addresses of Barbara Jordan and Susan Molinari
Political parties are both an influential and an integral part of American politics. Parties are constantly trying to protect and expand this influence in many different ways; primarily by appearing inclusive of all groups. One strategy in this effort is to employ the use of token individuals who both symbolize the groups that the party wants to feel included and encourage a belief about the overall inclusive character of the political party. Thus, an examination of the creation of these token individuals and their use within the party becomes necessary. To do this, a critique of the rhetoric tokens produce is necessary to determine if tokens face different rhetorical tensions and produce different strategies to conquer these tensions. As keynote speakers at their respective party\u27s conventions, Susan Molinari and Barbara Jordan are arguably tokens. To understand how the phenomena of tokens applies to Molinari and Jordan, their rhetoric can be analyzed using a multi-faceted methodology. By using tenets of political communication theory, feminist criticism, and generic criticism to highlight the uniqueness of these token speeches, a critical and informative investigation will lead to a better understanding of the unique tensions such tokens face
Alien Registration- Ferris, Norman E. (Newport, Penobscot County)
https://digitalmaine.com/alien_docs/8166/thumbnail.jp
The Potential of Token Tension: An Examination of the Keynote Addresses of Barbara Jordan and Susan Molinari
Political parties are both an influential and an integral part of American politics. Parties are constantly trying to protect and expand this influence in many different ways; primarily by appearing inclusive of all groups. One strategy in this effort is to employ the use of token individuals who both symbolize the groups that the party wants to feel included and encourage a belief about the overall inclusive character of the political party. Thus, an examination of the creation of these token individuals and their use within the party becomes necessary. To do this, a critique of the rhetoric tokens produce is necessary to determine if tokens face different rhetorical tensions and produce different strategies to conquer these tensions. As keynote speakers at their respective party\u27s conventions, Susan Molinari and Barbara Jordan are arguably tokens. To understand how the phenomena of tokens applies to Molinari and Jordan, their rhetoric can be analyzed using a multi-faceted methodology. By using tenets of political communication theory, feminist criticism, and generic criticism to highlight the uniqueness of these token speeches, a critical and informative investigation will lead to a better understanding of the unique tensions such tokens face
The Search for Due Process in Civil Commitment Hearings: How Procedural Realities Have Altered Substantive Standards
The civil commitment of mentally ill individuals presents the legal system with an intractable question: When should the law deprive someone of the fundamental right to liberty based on a prediction of future dangerousness? Advocates of both increased and decreased levels of civil commitment offer compelling case studies to help resolve the question. The former point to high profile events like the Virginia Tech shooting, in which mandatory incapacitation of the perpetrator at the first sign of mental illness could have prevented a senseless tragedy. The latter highlight the lives of individuals like Kenneth Donaldson, whose father had him committed on scanty evidence of delusions. He was held in a mental institution for fifteen years despite the absence of proof that he posed a threat to himself or society. Cases like these demonstrate that civil commitment statutes must strike a balance that not only protects the populace from dangerous individuals but also allows harmless individuals to retain their civil rights.
Civil commitments cause massive curtailment[s] of liberty. Hospitalized patients must remain within the institution, often with limited freedom inside the building. Even patients receiving outpatient treatment must report to the hospital regularly, severely restricting their liberty. Further, these patients may not have the option to refuse unwanted examinations or treatment, and their commitment period can last indefinitely. In addition to these immediate concerns, individuals who have been committed bear the social and legal stigma of past hospitalization after their release. Because involuntary civil commitment results in such a significant deprivation of liberty, its use invokes constitutional due process protections
Letter from J. E. Ferris
Letter concerning a recommendation for position in athletic department at Utah Agricultural College
A comparison of serotyping, phage typing, antibiotic sensitivity, and plasmid profile analysis in a study of Salmonella dublin
http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/1372786
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