25 research outputs found

    How Much Can We Generalize from Impact Evaluations?

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    Impact evaluations aim to predict the future, but they are rooted in particular contexts and to what extent they generalize is an open and important question. The author exploit a new data set of results on a wide variety of interventions and find more heterogeneity than in other literatures. This has implications for how evidence is generated and used to inform policy. This paper uses a database of impact evaluation results collected by AidGrade, a U.S. non-profit research institute founded by the author in 2012. AidGrade focuses on gathering the results of impact evaluations and analyzing the data, including through meta-analysis. Its data on impact evaluation results were collected in the course of its meta-analyses from 2012-2014. The research also found evidence of systematic variation in effect sizes that is surprisingly robust across different interventions and outcomes. Smaller studies tended to have larger effect sizes, which we might expect if the smaller studies are better-targeted, are selected to be evaluated when there is a higher a priori expectation they will have a large effect size, or if there is a preference to report larger effect sizes, which smaller studies would obtain more often by chance. Government-implemented programs also had smaller effect sizes than academic/NGO-implemented programs, even after controlling for sample size. This is unfortunate given we often do smaller impact evaluations with NGOs in the hopes of finding a strong positive effect that can scale through government implementation and points to the importance of research on scaling up interventions

    How Often Should We Believe Positive Results? Assessing the Credibility of Research Findings in Development Economics

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    Under-powered studies combined with low prior beliefs about intervention effects increase the chances that a positive result is overstated. We collect prior beliefs about intervention impacts from 125 experts to estimate the false positive and false negative report probabilities (FPRP and FNRP) as well as Type S (sign) and Type M (magnitude) errors for studies in development economics. We find that the large majority of studies in our sample are generally credible. We discuss how more systematic collection and use of prior expectations could help improve the literature

    The Impact of New Products on Ethical Beliefs

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    We test whether the availability of consumer goods affects ethical beliefs. Several new firms are developing "clean" animal products: lab-grown meat, egg, and dairy products that do not rely on traditional animal agriculture. Standard models of cognitive dissonance would predict that the mere availability of such a product would lead consumers to put more moral weight on the environment and farm animals. We do not initially observe this and in fact find that information about clean meat may even negatively affect beliefs. A second experiment in which we use priming to randomly manipulate how positively respondents view the product explains the surprising result: due to concerns about the "unnaturalness" of the product, many do not find it an acceptable substitute, however, those who perceive the product positively do change their ethical beliefs

    Effective strategies for overcoming the naturalistic heuristic: Experimental evidence on consumer acceptance of “clean” meat

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    The naturalistic heuristic of “what is natural is good” poses a serious barrier to consumer adoption of genetically modified foods, childhood vaccinations, and related technologies. While existing evidence suggests that pro-acceptance messaging appeals based on debunking this heuristic are ineffective at increasing consumer acceptance, there is little evidence on whether this ineffectiveness extends to new products for which consumers have not yet formed crystallized opinions. In this study, we examine three messaging strategies — direct debunking, embracing unnaturalness, and descriptive norms — for overcoming consumer resistance in the context of a new food technology: “clean meat” — also known as “cultured” or “in vitro” meat. We compare the effects of these three pro-clean meat appeals against “anti-clean meat social information” from anonymous consumers. We find persistent negative effects of anti-clean meat social information over 10 weeks. In contrast, improvements in consumer acceptance following the direct debunking and descriptive norms appeals were short-lived. The only appeal to successfully offset the undermining effects of anti-clean meat social information over 10 weeks was the embrace unnaturalness appeal, suggesting that advocates wishing to enhance consumer acceptance of new food technologies should focus on how these technologies are similar to products that also seem “unnatural” but which are already widely adopted by consumers

    Are Impact Evaluations in Development Economics Underpowered?

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