Stärkung der Integration von Klimaanpassung an Hitze und Starkregen in die kommunale Planung

Damit eine Stadt gegenüber dem fortschreitenden Klimawandel gewappnet ist, sind die Integration von Klimaanpas­sungsmaßnahmen in kommunale Planungsprozesse und die Schaffung von konkreten Planungs- und Handlungsgrund­lagen wesentlich. Dieses politische Empfehlungspapier fasst für Bund, Länder und Kommunen zwölf Handlungsempfehlungen zusammen, die zur Stärkung der Integration von Klimaanpassung an Hitze und Starkregen in die kommunale Planung beitragen. Es verfolgt dabei zwei Ziele: Erstens sollen die Rahmenbedingungen zur Integration von Klimaanpassungsbelangen in die Stadtplanung auf Bundes- und Landes­ebene verbessert werden. Zweitens sollen Klimaanpassungsbelange insgesamt stärker und ange­messener in die formelle und informelle Planung der kommunalen Ebene integriert werden. Die Empfehlungen richten sich an politische Entscheidungsträgerinnen und Akteurinnen, die direkt oder indirekt bei der Integration von Klimaanpassung in kommunale Planungsprozesse mitwirken und mitentscheiden. Dies sind insbesondere politische Entscheidungsträgerinnen auf Bundes-, Landes- und kommunaler Ebene, die kommunale Verwaltung, Klimaanpassungsmanagerinnen, Landschafts- und Städteplanerinnen, sowie Multiplikatorin­nen wie der Landkreistag und der Städte- und Gemeindebund. Die Handlungsempfeh­lungen wurden im Rahmen des Forschungsprojektes "ExTrass: Urbane Resilienz gegenüber extremen Wetterereignissen — Typologien und Transfer von Anpassungsstrategien in kleinen Großstädten und Mittelstädten" (als Teil der BMBF-Leit­initiative Zukunftsstadt) im engen Austausch zwischen kommunalen Fachplanerinnen, weiteren kommunalen Vertre­terinnen und Wissenschaftlerinnen erarbeitet

Wales: challenges and opportunities for post-Brexit environmental governance

Brexit represents a major change to environmental governance in Wales and the United Kingdom (UK), raising both opportunities and challenges. Welsh stakeholders are worried that English interests will predominate in the design of environmental governance after Brexit and are also concerned about the prospect of greater instability and weaker environmental protections. Crucially, the key planks of the UK government’s ‘Green Brexit’ strategy—the 25 Year Environment Plan (25 YEP) and Defra’s environmental governance and principles consultation—do not cover governance in the devolved nations. This gap in coverage raises the prospect of policy divergence and inconsistent implementation and enforcement across the UK. Most importantly, there is a strong fear in Wales that Welsh environmental policy ambition will be thwarted by Brexit and deregulatory pressure emanating from England

Wales: challenges and opportunities for post-Brexit environmental governance

Brexit represents a major change to environmental governance in Wales and the United Kingdom (UK), raising both opportunities and challenges. Welsh stakeholders are worried that English interests will predominate in the design of environmental governance after Brexit and are also concerned about the prospect of greater instability and weaker environmental protections. Crucially, the key planks of the UK government’s ‘Green Brexit’ strategy—the 25 Year Environment Plan (25 YEP) and Defra’s environmental governance and principles consultation—do not cover governance in the devolved nations. This gap in coverage raises the prospect of policy divergence and inconsistent implementation and enforcement across the UK. Most importantly, there is a strong fear in Wales that Welsh environmental policy ambition will be thwarted by Brexit and deregulatory pressure emanating from England

Northern Ireland: challenges and opportunities for post-Brexit environmental governance

Brexit represents a major change to environmental governance in Northern Ireland and the UK. Yet it is occurring at a time when Northern Ireland has no government, curtailing its ability to engage in both local and UK-wide preparations. Northern Irish stakeholders are worried that tensions between England and Scotland are dominating Brexit preparations, hampering discussions of UK-wide cooperation, as well as of the specific needs of Northern Ireland. They are concerned pre-existing environmental governance issues in the region (such as the lack of an independent environmental agency or the prevalence of cross-border environmental crime) will remain unaddressed, and that current North/South cooperation on environmental issues will be negatively impacted by the Brexit deal. Crucially, the key planks of the UK government’s ‘Green Brexit’ strategy (such as the commitments laid out in the 25 Year Environment Plan and the Environmental Principles and Governance consultation) do not cover the devolved nations. This raises the prospect of further policy divergence and inconsistent implementation and enforcement across the UK, and for Northern Ireland’s environment to continue deteriorating

Scotland: challenges and opportunities for post-Brexit environmental governance

Brexit represents a major change to environmental governance in Scotland and the United Kingdom (UK), raising both opportunities and challenges. It has prompted a constitutional dispute between the Scottish and UK governments, which may jeopardise future environmental governance. The current constitutional impasse has created even more uncertainty, making Brexit preparations highly challenging for government and civil society actors. Scottish stakeholders are worried that English interests will predominate in the design of environmental governance after Brexit and are also concerned about the prospect of greater instability and weaker environmental protections. Crucially, the key planks of the UK government’s ‘Green Brexit’ strategy—the 25 Year Environment Plan and the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs’ (Defra) environmental governance and principles consultation—do not cover governance in the devolved nations. This gap in coverage raises the prospect of policy divergence and inconsistent implementation and enforcement across the UK. Most importantly, there is a strong fear in Scotland that Scottish environmental policy ambition will be thwarted by Brexit and deregulatory pressure from England

Environmental policy in a devolved United Kingdom: challenges and opportunities after Brexit

The European Union (EU) has had a profound effect on UK environmental policy and governance. The EU provides treaty-based principles to underpin and inform new policy development and a well-developed system of monitoring and enforcement to ensure it is implemented. The EU’s system of environmental governance provides a set of structures that establishes minimum common standards across the UK. These structures have allowed the devolved nations to develop their own policies, some with a higher level of ambition than the UK’s. EU membership, therefore, provides a common framework that enables both transboundary cooperation and local policy innovation. Brexit consequently represents a major change to environmental governance in the United Kingdom (UK), raising significant opportunities and challenges. Environmental policy in the UK is devolved, but UK devolution is asymmetrical: England has no formal representation or parliament. For environmental policy this means that the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (Defra) often acts on behalf of England. This model of devolution raises concerns amongst stakeholders in the devolved nations that Defra approaches policy with an English mind-set, which suggests that English interests will dominate after Brexit. There are also concerns that Brexit will lead to greater instability and weaken environmental protections. In addition, Brexit has prompted a constitutional dispute between the Scottish and UK governments, which may jeopardise future environmental governance. These tensions have created uncertainty, making Brexit preparations highly challenging for both government and civil society actors. Crucially, the key planks of the UK government’s ‘Green Brexit’ strategy— the 25 Year Environment Plan (25 YEP) and Defra’s consultation on environmental governance and principles—do not cover governance in the devolved nations. This gap in coverage raises the prospect of policy divergence and inconsistent implementation and enforcement across the UK. More importantly, there is a strong fear in Scotland and Wales that their environmental policy ambitions could be thwarted by Brexit and deregulatory pressures emanating from England. Meanwhile Northern Ireland, which has a history of weak environmental governance and sits alongside the politically sensitive border with Ireland, has no government and therefore no voice in the Brexit negotiations. As a result, it is poorly represented in the discussions over the future shape of UK-wide environmental policy and governance

Dialectics and difference: against Harvey's dialectical post-Marxism

David Harvey`s recent book, Justice, nature and the geography of difference (JNGD), engages with a central philosophical debate that continues to dominate human geography: the tension between the radical Marxist project of recent decades and the apparently disempowering relativism and `play of difference' of postmodern thought. In this book, Harvey continues to argue for a revised `post-Marxist' approach in human geography which remains based on Hegelian-Marxian principles of dialectical thought. This article develops a critique of that stance, drawing on the work of Jacques Derrida, Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari. I argue that dialectical thinking, as well as Harvey's version of `post-Marxism', has been undermined by the wide-ranging `post-' critique. I suggest that Harvey has failed to appreciate the full force of this critique and the implications it has for `post-Marxist' ontology and epistemology. I argue that `post-Marxism', along with much contemporary human geography, is constrained by an inflexible ontology which excessively prioritizes space in the theory produced, and which implements inflexible concepts. Instead, using the insights of several `post-' writers, I contend there is a need to develop an ontology of `context' leading to the production of `contextual theories'. Such theories utilize flexible concepts in a multilayered understanding of ontology and epistemology. I compare how an approach which produces a `contextual theory' might lead to more politically empowering theory than `post-Marxism' with reference to one of Harvey's case studies in JNGD