2,922 research outputs found

    Sex differences in intimate relationships

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    Social networks have turned out to be of fundamental importance both for our understanding human sociality and for the design of digital communication technology. However, social networks are themselves based on dyadic relationships and we have little understanding of the dynamics of close relationships and how these change over time. Evolutionary theory suggests that, even in monogamous mating systems, the pattern of investment in close relationships should vary across the lifespan when post-weaning investment plays an important role in maximising fitness. Mobile phone data sets provide us with a unique window into the structure of relationships and the way these change across the lifespan. We here use data from a large national mobile phone dataset to demonstrate striking sex differences in the pattern in the gender-bias of preferred relationships that reflect the way the reproductive investment strategies of the two sexes change across the lifespan: these differences mainly reflect women's shifting patterns of investment in reproduction and parental care. These results suggest that human social strategies may have more complex dynamics than we have tended to assume and a life-history perspective may be crucial for understanding them.Comment: 5 pages, 3 figures, contains electronic supplementary materia

    An Email Attachment is Worth a Thousand Words, or Is It?

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    There is an extensive body of research on Social Network Analysis (SNA) based on the email archive. The network used in the analysis is generally extracted either by capturing the email communication in From, To, Cc and Bcc email header fields or by the entities contained in the email message. In the latter case, the entities could be, for instance, the bag of words, url's, names, phones, etc. It could also include the textual content of attachments, for instance Microsoft Word documents, excel spreadsheets, or Adobe pdfs. The nodes in this network represent users and entities. The edges represent communication between users and relations to the entities. We suggest taking a different approach to the network extraction and use attachments shared between users as the edges. The motivation for this is two-fold. First, attachments represent the "intimacy" manifestation of the relation's strength. Second, the statistical analysis of private email archives that we collected and Enron email corpus shows that the attachments contribute in average around 80-90% to the archive's disk-space usage, which means that most of the data is presently ignored in the SNA of email archives. Consequently, we hypothesize that this approach might provide more insight into the social structure of the email archive. We extract the communication and shared attachments networks from Enron email corpus. We further analyze degree, betweenness, closeness, and eigenvector centrality measures in both networks and review the differences and what can be learned from them. We use nearest neighbor algorithm to generate similarity groups for five Enron employees. The groups are consistent with Enron's organizational chart, which validates our approach.Comment: 12 pages, 4 figures, 7 tables, IML'17, Liverpool, U

    Causal evidence for social group sizes from Wikipedia editing data

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    Human communities have self-organizing properties in which specific Dunbar Numbers may be invoked to explain group attachments. By analyzing Wikipedia editing histories across a wide range of subject pages, we show that there is an emergent coherence in the size of transient groups formed to edit the content of subject texts, with two peaks averaging at around N=8N=8 for the size corresponding to maximal contention, and at around N=4N=4 as a regular team. These values are consistent with the observed sizes of conversational groups, as well as the hierarchical structuring of Dunbar graphs. We use the Promise Theory model of bipartite trust to derive a scaling law that fits the data and may apply to all group size distributions, when based on attraction to a seeded group process. In addition to providing further evidence that even spontaneous communities of strangers are self-organizing, the results have important implications for the governance of the Wikipedia commons and for the security of all online social platforms and associations.Comment: Expanded method section and changed the title to be more specific and informativ

    Why cartoons make (some of) us smile

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    Pocket cartoons are a regular feature of most contemporary newspapers and magazines. As such, they represent a way of conveying complex social and political commentary in a simple visual form. How well we enjoy verbal (oral) jokes depends on the number of mindstates in the joke, and here we ask whether this is also true of visual cartoons. We use survey data from a sample of 3,380 participants attending a public exhibition of published print media cartoons by well-known cartoonists to determine the extent to which viewers’ ratings of cartoons are determined by the mentalizing content of cartoons, the participants’ gender and age, and the publication date of the cartoon. We show that the number of mindstates involved in the cartoon affects its appreciation, just as in verbal jokes. In addition, we show that preferred topics vary by age and gender. While both genders strongly prefer cartoons that explore the complexities of romantic relationships, men rate visual jokes more highly than women do, whereas women prefer jokes that involve political commentary or the dynamics of close relationships. These differences seem to reflect differences in the way the social worlds of the two genders are organized

    Processing of social closeness in the human brain

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    Healthy social life requires relationships in different levels of personal closeness. Based on ethological, sociological, and psychological evidence, social networks have been divided into five layers, gradually increasing in size and decreasing in personal closeness. Is this division also reflected in brain processing of social networks? During functional MRI, 21 participants compared their personal closeness to different individuals. We examined the brain volume showing differential activation for varying layers of closeness and found that a disproportionately large portion of this volume (80%) exhibited preference for individuals closest to participants, while separate brain regions showed preference for all other layers. Moreover, this bipartition reflected cortical preference for different sizes of physical spaces, as well as distinct subsystems of the default mode network. Our results support a division of the neurocognitive processing of social networks into two patterns depending on personal closeness, reflecting the unique role intimately close individuals play in our social lives

    Higher order intentionality tasks are cognitively more demanding

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    A central assumption that underpins much of the discussion of the role played by social cognition in brain evolution is that social cognition is unusually cognitively demanding. This assumption has never been tested. Here, we use a task in which participants read stories and then answered questions about the stories in a behavioural experiment (39 participants) and an fMRI experiment (17 participants) to show that mentalising requires more time for responses than factual memory of a matched complexity and also that higher orders of mentalising are disproportionately more demanding and require the recruitment of more neurons in brain regions known to be associated with theory of mind, including insula, posterior STS, temporal pole and cerebellum. These results have significant implications both for models of brain function and for models of brain evolution

    Cognitive resource allocation determines the organization of personal networks

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    The typical human personal social network contains about 150 relationships including kin, friends, and acquaintances, organized into a set of hierarchically inclusive layers of increasing size but decreasing emotional intensity. Data from a number of different sources reveal that these inclusive layers exhibit a constant scaling ratio of 3. While the overall size of the networks has been connected to our cognitive capacity, no mechanism explaining why the networks present a layered structure with a consistent scaling has been proposed. Here we show that the existence of a heterogeneous cost to relationships (in terms of time or cognitive investment), together with a limitation in the total capacity an individual has to invest in them, can naturally explain the existence of layers and, when the cost function is linear, explain the scaling between them. We develop a one-parameter Bayesian model that fits the empirical data remarkably well. In addition, the model predicts the existence of a contrasting regime in the case of small communities, such that the layers have an inverted structure (increasing size with increasing emotional intensity). We test the model with five communities and provide clear evidence of the existence of the two predicted regimes. Our model explains, based on first principles, the emergence of structure in the organization of personal networks and allows us to predict a rare phenomenon whose existence we confirm empirically.I.T., J.A.C., and A.S. were supported in part by Fundación Banco Bilbao Vizcaya Argentaria through Grant Los Números de Dunbar y la Estructura de las Sociedades Digitales: Modelización y Simulación; by Ministerio de Economía, Innovación y Competitividad (Spain) through Grants FIS2015-64349-P VARIANCE (Ministerio de Economía y Empresa/Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional, Unión Europea); and by the European Commission through FET Open Research and Innovation Action 662725 Bridging the Gap: From Individual Behaviour to the Socio-Technical Man and FET Proactive RIA 640772 Distributed Global Financial Systems for Society. R.I.M.D. was supported by the European Research Council Advanced Investigator through Grant 295663

    Nudges and other moral technologies in the context of power: Assigning and accepting responsibility

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    Strawson argues that we should understand moral responsibility in terms of our practices of holding responsible and taking responsibility. The former covers what is commonly referred to as backward-looking responsibility , while the latter covers what is commonly referred to as forward-looking responsibility . We consider new technologies and interventions that facilitate assignment of responsibility. Assigning responsibility is best understood as the second- or third-personal analogue of taking responsibility. It establishes forward-looking responsibility. But unlike taking responsibility, it establishes forward-looking responsibility in someone else. When such assignments are accepted, they function in such a way that those to whom responsibility has been assigned face the same obligations and are susceptible to the same reactive attitudes as someone who takes responsibility. One family of interventions interests us in particular: nudges. We contend that many instances of nudging tacitly assign responsibility to nudgees for actions, values, and relationships that they might not otherwise have taken responsibility for. To the extent that nudgees tacitly accept such assignments, they become responsible for upholding norms that would otherwise have fallen under the purview of other actors. While this may be empowering in some cases, it can also function in such a way that it burdens people with more responsibility that they can (reasonably be expected to) manage
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