International Academic Conference Central and Eastern Europe in the International Politics of the Twentieth and Twenty-First Centuries 7–8 November 2022, Kraków

Słowo wstępne: "Oddajemy w Państwa ręce księgę abstraktów międzynarodowej konferencji naukowej „Europa Środkowo-Wschodnia w polityce międzynarodowej XX i XXI wieku”, która w dniach 7–8 listopada 2022 r. gromadzi w murach Krakowskiej Akademii im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego doświadczonych badawczy, doktorantów i studentów z Polski i zagranicy. Konferencja została zorganizowana przez Katedrę Stosunków Międzynarodowych Krakowskiej Akademii im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego we współpracy z Instytutem Historii i Archiwistyki Uniwersytetu Pedagogicznego im. KEN w Krakowie (współorganizator). Partnerami naukowymi są Instytut Historyczny Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego (organizator pierwszej części konferencji, przeprowadzonej w dniu 26 maja 2022 r.), Katedra Badań nad Obszarem Eurazjatyckim Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego w Krakowie oraz Instytut Zachodni im. Zygmunta Wojciechowskiego. Celem konferencji jest wniesienie wkładu w dyskusję naukową o historycznych doświadczeniach państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz współczesnych wyzwaniach i zagrożeniach, z którymi są konfrontowane rządy i społeczeństwa państw tego regionu."(...)Patronat honorowy Prof. KAAFM dr Klemens Budzowski – Rektor Krakowskiej Akademii im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego Oddział Krakowski Polskiego Towarzystwa Studiów Europejskic

The dilemmas of the Supreme National Council regarding Germany (before the Act of 5 November 1916)

The Supreme National Committee (Naczelny Komitet Narodowy, NKN) was an organization that functioned in the Polish lands in 1914-1917 and acted as a political and logistic support for the Polish legions fi ghting in the Austro-Hungarian army. As a state with little military strength, Austria-Hungary was completely dependent on its strong ally - Germany. For the Supreme National Committee, this meant that decisions about the future of the Polish lands were made not in Vienna, but in Berlin. In particular, attempts to create an Austrian-Polish political program had to be approved by Germany. Implementation of such a program thus had to include a series of unspecifi ed German demands. At the same time, the NKN had to convince Poles that it made sense not only to ally themselves with Austria, but also with Germany. However, Germany was not popular among Poles living in all three partitions. Similarly, Kaiser Wilhelm II was not interested in taking the demands of Poles into account. This article discusses the desperate attempts of the Supreme National Committee to convince Polish society of the wisdom of cooperating with the Central Powers on one hand, and obtain positive opinions and decisions from the politicians of the two monarchies on the other. Such attempts were undertaken by writers, politicians and propagandists as well as by the Committee itself. The author concentrates his attention on the years 1915-1916, when all of the Polish lands were under control of the Central Powers but the future territorial divisions of Central Europe remained an open question. In the end, the Act of 5 November 1916, which created a puppet Polish kingdom entirely dependent on Germany and Austria-Hungary, ended all dreams of a sovereign Poland under Habsburg rule

Krakow as the Capital of the General Government Consequences of Hosting the Nazi-German Authorities for a Life of the City

Celem artykułu pozostaje próba ukazania sytuacji Krakowa w okresie okupacji hitlerowskiej, kiedy miasto pełniło funkcję stolicy Generalnego Gubernatorstwa. Funkcja ta warunkowała wystąpienie szeregu nietypowych zjawisk. Z jednej strony miasto działało w zwykłym reżimie okupacyjnym, z drugiej zaś – stanowiło siedzibę władz, co skutkowało osiedleniem się w Krakowie tysięcy niemieckich funkcjonariuszy wraz z rodzinami. Miało to istotny wpływ na wiele wymiarów funkcjonowania Krakowa, począwszy od kwestii społecznych, mieszkaniowych, poprzez architekturę, gospodarkę, sposób przeprowadzenia eksterminacji ludności żydowskiej, na działalności polskiego podziemia kończąc. Osobną omawianą w artykule sprawą pozostaje nazistowska akcja propagandowa, której centrum stanowił Kraków. Ze względu na ograniczenia co do objętości artykułu wszystkie te zagadnienia zarysowane są w sposób syntetyczny, niemniej dający obraz specyfiki oraz odmienności wojennego doświadczenia Krakowa. Autor ukazuje, że losy miasta wymykają się utartym schematom oceny niemieckiej okupacji ziem II Rzeczypospolitej. W przeciwieństwie do wielu innych ośrodków Kraków nie był tylko miastem podbitym i kontrolowanym, ale pod wieloma względami stanowił zalążek nowego, kolonialnego, niemieckiego ładu w Europie Wschodniej.Aim of the article is to analyze a specific situation of Krakow during the Nazi-German occupation, when the city played a role of a capital of the General Government. The city functioned under a typical occupation regime, however, at the same time it was a seat of the authorities. As a result thousands of German functionaries and their families settled in Krakow. It had significant impact on many aspects of functioning of Krakow, ranging from social and housing issues, through architecture, economy, methods of extermination of the Jewish population and finally organization of the Polish underground. A separate issue discussed in the article are the Nazi propaganda campaigns conducted mainly in Krakow. Due to limitations, all these issues are presented in a general way, nevertheless giving a picture of specificity of Krakow’s war experience. Author indicates that the fate of the city is not typical for the Polish lands occupied by the Third Reich. Contradictory to the other places, Krakow was not only a city that was conquered and controlled, but we can see it as a beginning of a new, colonial, Nazi order in the Eastern Europe

Attitude of politics representing Austro-Polish solution towards Ukrainian question in the time of World War I (before the Act of 5th November)

The subject of the research is an attitude of Chief National Committee (CNC), significant Polish, political organization in the time of World War I, towards the Ukrainian national movement and its postulates. CNC came into being in august 1914 as political background of Polish Legions fighting in Austro-Hungarian army. Chief National Committee also played the role of a main exponent of Austro-Polish conception: an idea of creation self-governing Poland under the rule of Habsburg dynasty. In the first two years of war this conception had the strongest position among the others, numerous ideas of reconstruction of Poland. The same time brought also the rapid Ukrainian national rebirth. Ukrainians, mainly these living in Austro-Hungarian Galicia, firmly demanded to single out a new province of the Habsburg monarchy, covering the area of Eastern Galicia and city of Lvov. This idea was of course contradictory to the Polish plans, so campaigning for its own conceptions Chief National Committee had to face Ukrainian demands. Aim of the article is to present these works and opinions of politicians and journalists working for CNC, that refer to the Ukrainian question. Remarkable attention is also paid to the Polish ideas of Ukrainian presence and autonomy in future, independent Poland. Finally, both mental and political sources of the attitude of Polish activists towards Ukrainian national movement are briefly investigated in this work. Problems touched in this work seem to be crucial to understand the fact, that after final collapse of the Habsburg monarchy in autumn 1918, unsolved Polish-Ukrainian conflict led to the breakout of a regular war. Article is based on scientific descriptions, memoirs and archival materials available in the State Archive in Cracow

Question of identity of the aristocratic families in the new national states after 1918: An example of Habsburg & Hochberg families in Poland

The independence of newly born (or reborn) states at the end of 1918 raised the question of the future of the aristocratic families who had built their position in the pre‑war empires. An interesting example of such dilemmas arose in Poland. This was connected with the fate of two originally German‑speaking families. One of them was a branch of the imperial Habsburg family that settled in Żywiec (German: Saybush) in western Galicia. The other: rich and powerful family of Hofburg von Pless having their main seat in Pszczyna (German: Pless) in Prussian Upper Silesia. They were both members of the absolute elite of European aristocracy, being related to many noble and royal families and playing important roles in the political and economic life of Austro‑Hungary and Germany. What they also had in common was the fact, that their estates were located in a borderland between different ethnic and national groups. After the end of World War One, almost all these properties became part of the independent Polish state. As a result, the new administration treated the families with serious distrust. However, their national choices were different: the Habsburgs of Żywiec started to consider themselves as pure Polish, while the Hofburgs radically adhered to their German self‑identity. This article shows what the criteria were behind these choices

Anatomical variability of the anterolateral thigh flap perforators between sexes: a cadaveric study

BACKGROUND: Anterolateral thigh flap (ALTF) has gain popularity as a workhorse flap in the management of simple as well as complex tissue defects. The purpose of this study was to investigate the differences in ALTF’s perforators’ location in male and female human cadavers. METHODS: The study involved 30 fresh human cadavers of both sexes. A total of 60 flaps were examined. The flaps were raised as originally designed. After location of vessels, the distance from the anterior superior iliac spine (ASIS) to subsequent perforators was measured. Also, the kind of the perforator, its diameter and origin were marked. Perforators were designated according to Yu’s classification (A, B, and C). The perforators were divided into thin (<0.5 mm), medium (0.5–1 mm), and thick (>1 mm). Ratio of the ASIS–patella distance to the distance of a given perforator from the ASIS (AP rate) was calculated. RESULTS: The mean AP rate (perforator location) was different in both sexes. Mean AP rate in men was calculated as 0.498 ± 0.117, and in women, 0.559 ± 0.114. Differences in AP rate between female and male were statistically significant (t = −3.144; p < 0.002). Mean flap thickness was 3.65 cm in women and 1.17 cm in men (t = −14.444; p < 0.00001). In men, 63 perforators originated from descending branch, and seven perforators originated from oblique branch. In women, there were 67 and one, respectively. CONCLUSIONS: In men, perforators are located closer to the ASIS in comparison to women. Clinically significant perforators (Φ > 0.5 mm), in majority of cases, occur in A and B positions. Thickness of the flap was higher in women. The oblique branch was more common in men