Upward-closed hereditary families in the dominance order

The majorization relation orders the degree sequences of simple graphs into posets called dominance orders. As shown by Hammer et al. and Merris, the degree sequences of threshold and split graphs form upward-closed sets within the dominance orders they belong to, i.e., any degree sequence majorizing a split or threshold sequence must itself be split or threshold, respectively. Motivated by the fact that threshold graphs and split graphs have characterizations in terms of forbidden induced subgraphs, we define a class $\mathcal{F}$ of graphs to be dominance monotone if whenever no realization of $e$ contains an element $\mathcal{F}$ as an induced subgraph, and $d$ majorizes $e$, then no realization of $d$ induces an element of $\mathcal{F}$. We present conditions necessary for a set of graphs to be dominance monotone, and we identify the dominance monotone sets of order at most 3.Comment: 15 pages, 6 figure

WOMEN IN AGRICULTURE: THE U.S. EXPERIENCE

Labor and Human Capital,

ELECTRONIC TECHNOLOGY: NEW OPPORTUNITIES AND NEW DEMANDS FOR RETAIL FOOD STORES

Research and Development/Tech Change/Emerging Technologies,

CHANGING FOOD MARKETS: IMPACT ON AGRICULTURE

Marketing,

DISCRETE DEPENDENT VARIABLES: A GUIDE TO ALTERNATIVE ESTIMATING TECHNIQUES WITH AN ANNOTATIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY OF LOGIT ANALYSIS

Research Methods/ Statistical Methods,

Food Safety in Three Dimensions: Safety, Diet Quality, and Bio-Security

Food Consumption/Nutrition/Food Safety,

Gender assignment and gender agreement in advanced French interlanguage: a cross-sectional study

An analysis of 519 gender errors (out of 9,378 modifiers) in the advanced French interlanguage of 27 Dutch L1 speakers confirms earlier findings that gender assignment and/or agreement remain problematic for learners at all levels. A hypothesis derived from Pienemann's Processability Theory (1998a) that accuracy rates would be higher for gender agreement in structures involving no exchange of grammatical information between constituents was not confirmed. The analysis of interindividual and intra-individual variation in gender accuracy rates revealed effects from avoidance and generalisation strategies, from linguistic variables, sociobiographical variables and psycholinguistic variables. We argue that gender errors can originate at the lemma level, at the gender node level, or at the lexeme level. Different psycholinguistic scenarios are presented to account for intra-individual variation in gender assignment and agreement