Chapter Saggio introduttivo. Critica del fordismo e dinamiche del potere nella ricerca transnazionale di Bruno Trentin (1926-2007)

The essay traces Bruno Trentin's political biography and intellectual research from a transnational perspective. Through the work notebooks (1953-1995), the diaries on the CGILGeneral Secretary (1988-1994), the activity in the European Parliament (1999-2004) and the following two years, the elaboration of The Freedom Comes First(2005) is rooted in a long term criticism against the subalternity of the communist and social-democratic culture to the Fordist model. It is also based on the necessity of a libertarian socialism, based on the centrality of the person and on the unavoidable link between work and knowledge. What stands outis the originality of Trentin's political thought, the intellectual circuit in which his research is developed and his vision of a federal Europe in the international system following the Cold War and the aftermath of September 11th, 2001

Chapter Il laboratorio intellettuale di Bruno Trentin (2001-2006)

A selection of Trentin’sdiaries from 2001-2006, some unpublished pages on his political activity in the European Parliament and the elaboration of The Freedom Comes First: these works allow us to enter Bruno Trentin's intellectual laboratory and to follow, from the inside, the editing of the essays and the realization of the volume. Public and private intertwine in a melee with a heavy depression, which demands to "cope with death by accelerating the production of writings that can clarify or conclude my testimony." The notes on the Italian and international situation after September 11th, 2001, the American intervention in Iraq in 2003 and the European Constitution project are significant. The section is completed by some coeval political interventions, including the last article of July 2006 on meritocracy and the affirmation of individual rights

La ratifica dei Trattati di Roma in Francia e in Italia tra storia politicae storiografia transnazionale

A partire dagli studi di Jean-Baptiste Duroselle ed Enrico Serra e dai percorsi di ricerca promossi dal Gruppo di collegamento degli storici presso la Commissione europea, il saggio propone una ricostruzione comparata della posizione della Francia e dell’Italia di fronte alla nascita del Mercato Comune Europeo e dell’Euratom. Dopo aver ricostruito l’elaborazione politica dei due governi dalla Conferenza di Messina (1-3 giugno 1955) alla firma dei Trattati di Roma (25 marzo 1957), il saggio si sofferma sul dibattito dell’Assemblea nazionale (2-9 luglio 1957) e della Camera dei deputati (18-30 luglio 1957) sulla ratifica dei Trattati. Emerge la centralità del processo di integrazione per la politica estera francese e italiana e il ruolo dei partiti politici nella scelta europeista dei due paesi, all’indomani degli avvenimenti di Suez e dell’invasione sovietica dell’Ungheria del 1956. La decisione del governo socialista di Guy Mollet di aderire al Mercato comune europeo e all’Euratom e il sostegno dei deputati della Sfio al governo Bourgès-Maunoury nel dibattito all’Assemblea nazionale testimoniano il contributo del socialismo francese al proseguimento del processo di integrazione. Il voto a favore dell’Euratom e l’astensione sul Mec del Psi sancisce in Italia la rottura tra comunisti e socialisti e l’inizio della difficile transizione dal centrismo al centrosinistra. Nonostante il voto contrario alla ratifica dei Trattati di Roma, negli anni Sessanta e Settanta la dialettica con il sindacato Cgil condurrà il Pci ad aprirsi gradualmente al processo di integrazione. Il Pcf manterrà invece una ferma opposizione fin oltre il Trattato di Maastricht e l’avvento della moneta unica.À partir des travaux de Jean-Baptiste Duroselle et d’Enrico Serra, ainsi que des parcours de recherche promus par le Groupe de liaison des historiens auprès de la Commission européenne, cet essai retrace et compare les positions de la France et de l’Italie face à la naissance du Marché commun européen et de l’Euratom. Après avoir décrit l’élaboration politique des deux gouvernements, de la conférence de Messine (1-3 juin 1955) jusqu’à la signature des traités de Rome (25 mars 1957), l’essai prend en examen le débat à l’Assemblée nationale (2-9 juillet 1957) et à la Chambre des députés (18-30 juillet 1957) sur la ratification des traités. Cela fait ressortir la place centrale du processus d’intégration pour la politique étrangère française et italienne et le rôle des partis politiques dans le choix européen des deux pays, au lendemain des événements de Suez et de l’invasion soviétique en Hongrie en 1956. La décision du gouvernement socialiste de Guy Mollet d’adhérer au Marché commun européen et à l’Euratom et le soutien des députés SFIO au gouvernement Bourgès-Maunoury dans le débat à l’Assemblée nationale témoignent de la contribution du socialisme français à la poursuite du processus d’intégration. En Italie, le vote favorable du PSI à l’Euratom et son abstention sur le Marché commun marque sa rupture avec les communistes et le début d’une transition difficile entre le centrisme et le centre-gauche. En dépit du vote contraire à la ratification des traités de Rome, dans les années 1960 et 1970, le PCI sera amené, par la dialectique avec le syndicat CGIL, à s’ouvrir progressivement au processus de construction européenne. Le PCF gardera au contraire sa ferme opposition même après le traité de Maastricht et l’avènement de la monnaie unique.Starting from Jean Baptiste Duroselle and Enrico Serra’s studies and the researches made by the “liaison group of historians within the European Commission”, the present essay provides a comparative reconstruction of the French and Italian attitude towards the birth of the Common European Market and Euratom. After retracing the policymaking issues of the two governments from the Messina Conference (1–3 June 1955) to the signature of the Treaties of Rome (25 March 1957), the present study examines the debates of the National Assembly (2–9 July 1957) and the Chamber of Deputies (18–30 July 1957) on the ratification of the treaties themselves. What emerges is the centrality of the integration process in the French and Italian foreign policy and the role of the political parties in the pro-European choice of those two countries after the events of Suez and the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956. The decision made by the Socialist government of Guy Mollet to join the European Common Market and Euratom and the support of the SFIO deputies to the Government of Bourgès-Maunoury in the debate of the National Assembly, testify to the contribution of the French socialists in carrying on the integration process. The vote in favor of Euratom and the abstention of the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) from the Common European Market formalized the break-up between communists and socialists and the beginning of the difficult transition from centrism to the center-left. Despite the vote against the ratification of the Treaties of Rome in the sixties and seventies, the discussion with the Union CGIL led the Italian Communist Party (PCI) to a gradual opening towards the integration process. On the other hand, the French Communist Party (PCF) kept its firm opposition to it far beyond the Maastricht Treaty and the advent of the single currency

L’Europa e il Mediterraneo: percorsi di ricerca transnazionali e spazi online

L’articolo costituisce una rassegna ragionata dei siti internet delle principali istituzioni culturali che si occupano dell’Europa mediterranea, con una lettura che intreccia la dimensione politico-economica con quella della comunicazione al fine di verificare lo stato della ricerca e dei circuiti di studio transnazionali. Nella prima parte si delinea un quadro generale dei percorsi di ricerca promossi dai principali istituti universitari e centri di studio sull’Europa e il Mediterraneo in Francia, Spagna e Portogallo; nella seconda parte si prendono in esame i siti dei Centri studi che lavorano sulla storia dell’Europa mediterranea in Italia, nei Paesi del Maghreb, in Grecia e in Turchia. La ricerca punta ad approfondire il tema della rappresentazione mediatica dei centri di ricerca negli spazi digitali verso la prospettiva transnazionale, indagando una pluralità di fonti a cominciare da quelle audiovisive.This paper is a reasoned review of the main’s cultural institutes websites working about Mediterranean Europe, with a reading that links political economic dimension with that of communication to verify the state of research and study’s transnational circuits. The first part of the paper drafts a general summary of the research fields promoted by the main academic institutes and Studies Centers about Europe and Mediterranean, in France, Spain and Portugal; in the second one the paper examines the websites of Research Facilities working on Mediterranean Europe History in Italy, in Maghreb’s Countries, in Greece and in Turkey. The research aims to study the media representation of research Centers in digital spaces toward transnational perspective, examining a multiplicity of sources starting from audiovisual ones

Histoire d’une rencontre manquée : PCF et PCI face au défi de la construction communautaire (1947-1964)

Dans cet article, l’auteur s’attache à reconstruire les positionnements des partis communistes italien et français face aux premiers temps du processus d’intégration européenne. Sante Cruciani montre que les positions des deux partis pendant la guerre froide étaient essentiellement analogues. Le PCF comme le PCI considéraient toute collaboration et intégration économique et politique de l’Europe comme une partie intégrante de l’hégémonie nord-américaine sur le Vieux Continent et comme une tentative des états-Unis de reconstruire la puissance allemande. La situation changea avec la mort de Staline, la déstalinisation khrouchtchévienne et le début de la détente internationale. à partir de ce moment, le PCI de Togliatti, mais aussi la CGIL, commencèrent à prendre de plus en plus en considération l’espace européen comme une dimension importante de leur propre stratégie. Au contraire, le PCF et la CGT continuèrent à refuser toute perspective européenne. à partir du milieu des années cinquante commença à s’instaurer entre les deux PC un rapport qui fit alterner des périodes de rapprochement et d’éloignement. Ce rapport était conditionné par la situation nationale, européenne, mais aussi par celle du mouvement communiste international